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131.
了解贵州少数民族自治地方人口素质的现状,分析形成的原因,提出解决问题的措施,促进贵州省少数民族自治地方人口素质的提高。  相似文献   
132.
城市化对我国少数民族传统文化和民族意识的发展的影响主要有两种可能一是少数民族文化与汉族文化之间的差异缩小,少数民族传统文化逐渐消失,民族意识弱化;二是少数民族传统文化继续发展,民族意识增强.无论怎样的发展趋势,都将影响到我国民族关系的发展走向.  相似文献   
133.
中国少数民族村寨具有独特的文化、美学、经济和社会价值。自2013年国家民委公布了首批少数民族特色村寨名单以后,2017年又评选出第二批少数民族特色村寨。通过空间分析法对两批少数民族特色村寨进行省际、区际及族际的定量与定性考察,认为当前特色民族村寨主要集中在西南、华中、华南三大区域,基本呈西南多、东北少的不均衡分布格局。  相似文献   
134.
语言认同是一种复杂的文化心理趋同现象,是其它认同的基础,深刻地影响着人们的语言行为。跨境民族的国家通用语认同、民族语认同和外语认同直接关系到国家发展战略、边疆民族地区社会安全稳定和民族语言文化的传承与保护。我国的跨境民族多,但国内学者关于跨境民族语言认同的研究还很少。基于现有语言认同研究相关文献,本文分析讨论了语言认同的基本概念和跨境民族语言认同研究现状,并提出了未来研究我国跨境民族语言认同的路径和建议。  相似文献   
135.
ABSTRACT

The literature on political exclusion and conflict tends to treat grievance-based mechanisms with broad-brush strokes and does not differentiate between types of political exclusion. This study disaggregates politically-excluded groups into two subgroups: groups that experience political discrimination from the state, and groups without political power that are not explicitly discriminated against. We posit that discriminated groups are more likely to experience grievances and therefore are more prone to conflict than excluded groups that are not actively discriminated against. We further posit that the effect of discrimination on conflict is moderated by interactions with economic inequalities and the share of elites. Using dyadic data for 155 ethnic groups in 28 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find that among politically-excluded groups it is indeed discriminated groups that are responsible for most of the association between political exclusion and conflict. Groups that face active, intentional, and targeted discrimination by the state are significantly more likely to be involved in conflict than excluded groups who do not face this explicit form of discrimination. Additionally, we find that discriminated groups who also experience economic inequalities are less likely to engage in conflict, whilst an increased presence of elites within discriminated groups can precipitate the chances of conflict.  相似文献   
136.
苏翔 《贵州民族研究》2020,41(1):96-100
空间环境孕育和成就了文化,具有代表性的在地文化沉淀下来后,则成为环境的象征符号并反作用于空间环境。在设计少数民族传统文化在空间和环境中新的活动、形式乃至构成体系时,必须充分考虑尊重少数民族传统文化所生发的土壤,观照少数民族传统文化艺术形式的特征,尊重以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化的历史文脉与当地空间环境交互的特点,才能使黔北傩戏的活力在新的时代焕发新的光彩。在开辟新的黔北傩戏传承思路时,应当以当代黔北傩戏的发展需求为要义,创造一个满足当代人对以黔北傩戏为代表的少数民族传统文化加深交互、产生需求的环境,利用当代媒介环境的需求来启发社会活动,并塑造与人的需求、文化的发展需求相适应的环境和空间。  相似文献   
137.
安梅 《贵州民族研究》2020,41(4):178-182
众所周知,长期以来中国英语课堂教学"学用分离"问题较为严重。这个问题在少数民族地区尤为突出,因为少数民族地区高校的生源英语基础普遍薄弱,特别表现在英语听说和语法掌握等方面。产出导向法POA理论体系针对的正是中国学生"学用分离"的问题。文章基于POA理论,在设计和实施翻转课堂时,要求在课堂教学中,输出驱动后,一定要使相应的输入与输出任务尽可能精准对接,才能有效促成输出的顺利完成,从而有效地解决"学用分离"的问题。  相似文献   
138.
ABSTRACT

This article reflects upon the beginnings and development of radical Basque nationalism in light of its ethnic exclusion criteria. We argue that the existence of a tradition of “strong” alterity does not necessarily lead to the appearance of tendencies favoring the use of violence to confront the other. Without rejecting the importance of a discourse of hate proceeding from the past, such tendencies are due more to a combination of the historical context and individual and group decisions. It is important to bear this in mind to underscore the responsibilities of those who were not satisfied with constructing the image of a despicable enemy, but instead decided to employ violence to solve the problem that the latter might cause.  相似文献   
139.
Anwesha Dutta 《亚洲研究》2018,50(3):353-374
It has now been well established that forests in South Asia are postcolonial political zones. In Assam, in northeast India this was accomplished through the colonial project of converting jungles into Reserved Forests. Using the politics of dokhol (“to grab or occupy by force”) as an entry point, this article examines the comparative epistemologies of squatting and informality in urban and rural contexts. My intent is to unpack the everyday practice, maintenance, and sustenance of dokhol within the reserved forests of Bodo Territorial Autonomous District. This entails an extension of existing scholarship on formal-informal dichotomies in relation to rural squatters, in particular those on forestland. I do so by combining an ethnographic study of dokhol by rural squatters with three influential strands of critical scholarship on urban squatting, namely Partha Chatterjee’s “political society,” Asaf Bayat’s “quiet encroachment,” and Ananya Roy’s take on planning and deregulation. This article advances the case of rural informalities and opens a dialogue between the two forms of informalities – rural and urban, especially in the context of South Asia.  相似文献   
140.
Under what conditions is decentralisation a salient issue for state‐wide political parties? It is argued in this article that the extent to which state‐wide parties emphasise decentralisation depends on their strategic considerations: on their overall ideology, on the electoral incentives created by the context in which they compete, and on the interaction between the two. The results of the analysis of party manifestos in 31 countries since 1945 are as follows. First, parties that pay greater attention to cultural matters relative to economic matters tend to talk more about decentralisation. Second, the systemic salience of decentralisation also encourages parties to talk more about decentralisation. Third, the larger the regionally based ethnic groups within a country, the more salience all state‐wide political parties will attach to decentralisation. Finally, only parties that put greater relative emphasis on cultural matters tend to respond to the electoral threat of regionalist parties. The influence of territorial diversity on the salience of decentralisation thus works through two channels and is partly conditioned by political parties’ ideological profile.  相似文献   
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