试述世界经济一体化对民族教育的影响及对策

本文总结了世界经济一体化对少数民族地区教育的影响,提出了发展少数民族地区教育的措施。     

关于自治权行使过程中的问题与对策思考--权利与少数民族

自治权是民族区域自治的核心,是我国这一重要的政治制度的关键所在.因此,搞好民族工作,解决好民族问题,必须紧抓自治权的充分行使问题.本文从这一思路出发,提出了个人的观点.     

民族教育是加快西部发展的持久性动力源

民族教育发展水平低 ,人才资源短缺 ,是西部地区社会发展滞后的重要原因。优先发展民族教育 ,将为西部地区的发展提供强有力的智力支持和人才保证。民族教育发展是加快西部发展和增强我国经济发展后劲的持久性动力源。     

台湾族群形成探析

本文在综合有关族群形成的原初论和建构论的理论架构下 ,探析台湾族群形成过程。认为 :台湾四大族群的形成与其是个典型的移民社会有着密切关系。文化认同是它形成的基础 ,并在一定历史条件下 ,经过竞争对立、反抗的过程 ,随着族群意识的不断强化而逐渐塑造而成的。它的形成过程说明了原来的省籍二分类 ,原住民与汉人 ,客家人与福佬人的对偶性的二分类 ,已不再适用于台湾新的社会政治现象。它是台湾社会政治多元化过程中的新产物 ,反映了台湾社会结构变迁的过程和结果。最后 ,鉴于族群形成的历史文化渊源 ,对今后做好台湾人民工作的努力方向提出几点思考。     

濒危语言的语言活力--仙仁土家语个案研究之二

研究濒危语言的活力,有助于认识濒危语言的共时特点及历史演变规律,有利于对其演变趋势作出科学判断。土家语是一种濒危语言,其特点主要是语言活力处于逐渐衰退之中,濒临消亡。仙仁乡保留了土家语衰退不同阶段的立体层次,从平面上反映了土家语走向濒危的历史轨迹。濒危语言研究应从社会历史条件和语言本体状态两方面进行。     

中国西南民族史研究的回顾与展望

中国西南民族史的研究具有悠久的历史 ,但封建时代的研究是自发的 ,带有强烈的民族歧视和浓厚的政治色彩 ,缺乏客观性。 184 0年以后 ,西南民族史研究由自发转为自觉 ,深度和广度不断加强。新中国成立以后 ,开展了大规模的民族调查 ,研究机构、研究人员以及学术著作、论文不断涌现 ,西南民族史研究进入了一个新的历史时期。人类进入 2 1世纪 ,面临着新的机遇与挑战 ,学者们只有在以往研究的基础上 ,不断地拓展研究的领域和方向 ,西南民族史的研究才能获得更大发展。     

试谈民族地区与全面建设小康社会

我们的目标是全面建设小康社会,没有民族地区的小康就没有全国真正意义上的小康,民族地区的发展状况如何对我国全面建设小康社会和现代化建设具有至关重要的意义。     

和平与认同：小觑越南河内华族的民族认同感

移民及少数民族的民族认同感变化已成为全球感兴趣的课题，并越来越受重视。中华民族是世界上最大的民族群体，二战结束后，中国移民民族认同感变化的现象引起了学者们的关注，人们开始从社会学角度研究此现象。早期研究主要针对半世纪前生活在东南亚地区、在当地被视为少数民族的华族。本文的研究对象是目前西方学者很少涉及的越南河内的“华族”。我们认为，和其他东南亚国家不同，中越之间特有的历史、文化以及政治关系对越南华族认同感的改变有着很大的影响。     

Decentralization as a conflict transformation tool: The challenge in Kosovo

Perspectives are divided on whether decentralization can ease ethnic conflict. This article considers whether asymmetric decentralization reforms in Kosovo have reduced tensions between Kosovo Albanians (K‐Albanians) and Serbs (K‐Serbs). We argue that because decentralization has been linked to Kosovo's sovereignty in the years after the NATO bombings, during the final status talks, and after independence, it has not achieved intended outcomes throughout the territory of Kosovo. Instead of assuaging tensions and generating allegiance to the central government, decentralization has re‐inforced ethnic divisions and strengthened K‐Serb ties to Serbia, particularly in northern Kosovo. Concessions to majority Serb municipalities in Kosovo have been seen by K‐Serbs as a bribe to buy acceptance of independence, while K‐Albanians question their leaders' continued policy of asymmetric decentralization. Since independence, there have been some encouraging developments in southern municipalities, where K‐Serbs have participated in municipal elections organized by Pristina. Based on Kosovo's experience, we argue that policy‐makers must consider the impact of decentralization reforms at multiple levels of conflict. Further, although we find that decentralization may engage minorities in political processes if reforms are attempted after the establishment of a central government, we caution that it must be combined with policies to encourage interaction and dialogue between ethnic groups if it is to assuage conflict. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Coordinating Transitional Justice

Conflict resolution professionals sometimes differ from human rights professionals about the best approaches to transitional justice, particularly with regard to the scope, conditions, and timing of possible amnesties from prosecution for perpetrators of war crimes and human rights abuses. When human rights and conflict resolution professionals work at cross‐purposes, they may work less effectively to end conflict, abuses, and crimes, and to implement peace accords. A consensus among conflict resolution and human rights scholars about which legal norms should govern post‐conflict amnesty programs appears to be developing. Against this emerging legal framework, human rights and conflict resolution professionals should, I argue, develop processes for working together more effectively in the design and implementation of context‐sensitive approaches to transitional justice. These process principles should address the entire conflict period, from escalation through resolution to post‐conflict reconstruction. In this article, I describe a tentative, general framework for coordinating the development of transitional justice programs. This proposed framework is intended to stimulate and guide discussion of these issues among conflict resolution and human rights professionals and scholars.