战胜“西化”、“分化”的有力思想武器──学习江泽民同志的有关论述

本文第一部分首先谈到西方敌对势力对我实行和平演变（即“西化”、“分化”）阴谋是由来已久的,苏欧巨变后形势更为严峻。第二部分根据江泽民同志有关论述,总结西方敌对势力对我实行“西化”“分化”的五个特点。第三部分概括了江泽民同志关于战胜“西化”“分化”的有关对策的论述,并提出了四条措施。     

Business 2.0: Kyrgyz middlemen in Guangzhou

ABSTRACT

Among the many ‘businesspeople’ whom the promise of commercial success has drawn to southern China in recent years one can find a small number of Kyrgyz middlemen. Working mostly with Russian-speaking clients, their job is to organize buying trips, coordinate with local manufacturers, translate, and oversee cargo shipments. Based on ethnographic fieldwork since 2013, this article examines in detail the careers, work routines and business model adopted by Kyrgyz middlemen in Guangzhou. I argue that in contrast to the early bazaar or shuttle traders, who have been operating across Eurasia since the 1990s, these Kyrgyz middlemen constitute a next kind of economic actor within more diversified, service-oriented and formalized value chains across post-Socialist Eurasia (referred to here as Business 2.0). One of these middlemen’s most salient contributions is to translate between the informal and formal domains of national economies as well as within cross-border economic transactions.     

领导理念的置换与嬗变--兼论中国共产党执政方式的创新

中国共产党由革命型领导理念向建设型领导理念的转换,是与十一届三中全会后中国的对外开放和以经济建设为中心的战略转移以及全球化进程密切相关的."三个代表"重要思想恰恰是中国共产党自觉关注世界政党兴衰成败,总结自身执政经验教训,实现中国共产党执政理念置换与嬗变的理论根据,也是蕴涵中国共产党执政方式创新和领导角色转换的时代命题.     

浅议巡逻勤务与公安能力的关系

巡逻勤务作为公安机关控制社会治安的基本勤务方式,在新的社会治安状况下,其作用越来越凸显,巡逻勤务的效能直接影响到公安机关的能力。因此,公安机关的巡逻形式要动态化,防控网络要紧密化,全面建设社会治安防控体系。     

The Role of Party Activists in the Evolution of the Abortion Issue

This article examines the role of party activists in the partisan evolution of the abortion issue. Previous research indicates that party elites—specifically members of Congress—and partisans in the mass public have become more differentiated in their abortion attitudes during the last several decades with Democrats becoming more pro-choice and Republicans becoming increasingly pro-life. The missing piece of the picture is the behavior of party activists. Accordingly, this research examines the changes in the abortion attitudes of two groups of party activists during the last three decades: campaign activists and national convention delegates. From 1972 to 1980 there were no significant differences in the abortion attitudes of Republican and Democratic campaign activists, and the mean positions of the two parties' national convention delegates did not differ greatly. However, since 1984 there has been a growing differentiation in the abortion positions of both groups of party activists. Now Democratic activists are consistently pro-choice while Republican activists are equally pro-life. This evidence indicates that the differentiation on the abortion issue that has only recently emerged among partisans in the mass public was predated by an earlier and much more dramatic polarization that had already developed among party activists and elites, thus supporting a model of issue evolution introduced by Carmines and Stimson in their study of racial issues. We also find that citizens' abortion attitudes have become increasingly correlated with party voting not just in presidential elections but also in House, Senate, and gubernatorial contests during this period as well as being more closely related to political ideology. All of this evidence points to the growing extent to which abortion has become a partisan issue in American politics and the key role that party activists have played in this process.     

基层司法的多元面向——以布迪厄场域理论为分析视角

乡土社会司法场域并不是国家法律的单一运作,而是多种逻辑的多元面向,乡土逻辑在司法场域中的引入是不容否定的事实.司法场域的多元面向体现为权力的博弈和利益的均衡,权力的博弈和利益的均衡是决定乡土逻辑在司法场域中引入尺度的文化变量.     

我国女子高校的历史回顾与发展趋势探讨

重新出现的女子高校作为我国高等教育的一个组成部分日益受到人们的注意。本文回顾了我国女子高校的发展历史,并将新出现的女子高校与近代的女子高校进行了多方面的比较,并对女子高校现状及存在的问题与今后发展趋势进行了分析。     

论时尚的大众文化品性

时尚以貌似精英的新锐形式出现，引领大众，却只能是大众文化之一种。时尚是商品社会的消费逻辑，流行是时尚的命脉，时尚的本质是没有内涵的作态，时尚装点着我们的生活，但时尚也可能成为一种有害的病毒。     

宪法泛政治化的逻辑归谬与历史反思

马伯里诉麦迪逊案创立的“政治问题不审查”之宪法惯例及与美国宪法传统相契合的政治观,将对宪法正当性的逻辑判断转读为对于主体的道德依赖,其生成的逻辑结构未免带有强迫性,导致宪法的泛政治化。近代旧中国立宪的逻辑怪圈亦然:宪法“移植”使得“应然宪法”性状无法获得“实然宪法”有效地证明,则悖论产生;“自上而下”的立宪路径和权力本位,使得宪法缺少正当性基础;明显的“工具性”特征,造成“政治”与“宪法”的“目标冲突”,形成“体”和“用”的二律背反。事实就是:宪法的泛政治化是一个世界现象,防止宪法泛政治化,宪法司法化具有价值上的合理性,但以司法化为导向的中国宪政目标之实现尚需经历一个长期的准备阶段,要防止两种极端倾向:悲观主义和冒进主义。