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171.
基本权利在私法领域的功能及适用是和公序良俗原则关联在一起的。就民事法律行为而言,违背公序良俗将导致该行为的无效,并进而引发其它间接后果。基本权利虽然不是对法律行为施加限制的强制性“法律”规定,但是,它是判断是否构成违背公序良俗的重要标准。就侵权行为而言,违背公序量俗之侵权属于侵权行为的重要形式,具有“权利型”侵权和违反“法益”型侵权所不具有的功能。基本权利对侵权行为的影响主要通过“公序良俗”这一制度性平台,对侵权行为之构成产生阻却的功效。在民事审判中,公序良俗原则具有适用的必要性,它事实上也是基本权利在民事审判中得以适用的管道。 相似文献
172.
人民法院司法改革的基本理论与实践进程 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
人民法院司法改革是社会主义法治国家建设的重要组成部分。值此纪念改革开放三十周年之际,为了深入推进人民法院司法改革,促进中国特色社会主义司法制度的科学发展,我们有必要回顾三十年来人民法院司法改革的发展历程,梳理人民法院司法改革的思想理论与实践进程,总结人民法院司法改革的基本成就、经验与教训,并在此基础上展望新时期新阶段人民法院司法改革的前景和趋势。 相似文献
173.
174.
Alan Bogg 《The Modern law review》2018,81(3):509-526
This note considers the radical significance of Supreme Court's judgment in R (on the Application of UNISON) v Lord Chancellor (UNISON) on the unlawfulness of tribunal fees. It argues that the decision marks the coming of age of the ‘common law constitution at work’. The radical potential of UNISON lies in its generation of horizontal legal effects in disputes between private parties. Recent litigation on employment status in the ‘gig economy’ is analysed through the lens of UNISON and common law fundamental rights. The note identifies the various ways in which the common law tests of employment status might be ‘constitutionalised’ in the light of UNISON. 相似文献
175.
回应型司法与刑事契约 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
朱德宏 《国家检察官学院学报》2005,13(6):15-19
回应型司法的权力和权利关系为具有后现代意味的刑事契约的生成提供了政治和法律制度环境,对社会主体多元化利益诉求的回应为其提供了社会民间化解纷的民众动力。我国移植刑事契约缺乏传统法文化的的历史支持,现存的社会急剧变革时期共存的多种社会秩序也不能为刑事契约所适宜的权力与权利结构奠定政治制度和法律制度基础,因此刑事契约的本土化借鉴应该谨慎。 相似文献
176.
从哲学的层面对法制现代化这一重要的社会现象进行思考与探讨,有助于我们加深对法制现代化基本内涵的认识和对法制现代化进程的把握。人的现代化是法制现代化的核心与逻辑起点。民众对法律的信仰是法制现代化的心理基础。自由、平等、正义是法制现代化的价值目标。 相似文献
177.
张书林 《四川行政学院学报》2009,(6):34-38
推进党的反腐败工作和反腐倡廉建设,必须将民主理念和民主手段引入其中,将民主提升为惩防腐败的新治本之策,着力建立健全“教育、制度、监督、民主”并重的惩治预防腐败体系。这就必须切实关注“民主”惩治预防腐败的四大基本要素,即“民主”惩治预防腐败的机理、“民主”惩治预防腐败的机制、“民主”惩治预防腐败的机遇、“民主”惩治预防腐败的机会。 相似文献
178.
当代西方哲学的第一个特质是"英雄时代"的结束,"大哲学家"、"天才哲学家"独自沿着一个纲领、一个方向构造哲学体系已不可能.当代西方哲学的第二个特质是认为哲学就是对大家习以为常的习惯、所遵循的那些基本原则进行理性的审查活动,从宏观的方法来分析,可以分为修辞学论理哲学和逻辑论证的哲学.当代西方哲学的第三个特质是研究哲学的人有哲学家和哲学史家两种,前者追求普遍性的哲学方法,后者追求特殊性的历史的方法. 相似文献
179.
Teodor Shanin 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(7):1151-1176
ABSTRACTMarxism has been the name increasingly given by friend and foe to contemporary radical revolutionary movements in the last couple of centuries. That opens the seldom-asked question, what about the radical revolutionary movements and ideas which could not be so described? For them the collective term often used negatively was ‘vulgar’, or, less negative but still unacceptable to Marxists, ‘utopian’ and ‘vernacular’. That last turn indicated spontaneous radicalism of the lower classes, which lack the incise language (polish?) of academic debate. The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘vernacular’ as the ‘language spoken in particular area by a particular group especially one that is not the official or written language’. It introduced often a history-passed-and-third-worldly accentuation. Experience has shown that most effective revolutionary movements were led by a group representing a mixture (interdependence?) of Marxism with vernacular radicalism, often described as Marxism with a ‘xxxx’ face (Chinese or Czechoslovak or something else). One can even conclude that for Marxism to make way it must link with radical local tradition, definitely not-Marxist. Moreover, it doesn’t quite ‘work’ singly, for its success depends on the mixture of Marxism and non-Marxism. It seems that particular role in that confrontation is defined by a conceptual (ideological?) set of collectively dominant ideas or ‘idols’. If so, a major blocking force to the advance of Marxist movements is, on top of the power of the existing state and political economy, some prevailing ideological elements accepted by the ‘masses’ since the Second International. Those would be ‘purism’, ‘scientism’, ‘progressivism’ and ‘statism’. We shall eventually touch in that context on supporting the revolutionary vernacular of the People’s Will party of Russia, its implications and its relations to Marx’s own Marxism. 相似文献
180.
A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):177-202
This two-part article surveys the origin, development, and current meaning of the ‘agrarian question’. Part one of the survey explores the history of the agrarian question, elaborating its origin in the work of Marx, Engels, Kautsky, and Lenin, and its development in the work of Preobrazhensky, Dobb, Brenner, and others. Part two of the survey identifies seven current variants of the agrarian question and critically interrogates these variants in order to understand whether, and if so, how, the location of small-scale petty commodity food and farm production within contemporary capitalism has been reconfigured during the era of neoliberal globalisation. Together, the two parts of the survey argue that the agrarian question continues to offer a rigorously flexible framework by which to undertake a historically-informed and country-specific analysis of the material conditions governing rural production, reproduction, and the process of agrarian accumulation or its lack thereof, a process that can now be located within the law of value and market imperatives that operate on a world scale. 相似文献