The Gender Differences in Final Year Undergraduates＇ Salary Expectations： A Perspective of Gender Role Socialization

本文选取华中地区一高校,采用顺序式解释性混合研究设计来探讨大学生薪水期望的性别差异问题。通过问卷调查,笔者发现男大学生对第一份工作的薪水期望显著高于女大学生。结合问卷调查结果和深度访谈资料,本文认为大学生薪水期望的性别差异与大学生的家庭性别角色观念有着比较密切的联系。本研究发现：即使受过高等教育,大学生仍然持有一些传统的家庭性别角色观念,如他们认为男性应该主要承担养家户口的责任;而女性则无须承担此责任,她们成家后的重心应该在家庭上。最后,本文从以下3个方面来讨论此结论：传统＂男主外,女主内＂的家庭性别角色分工观念的影响;传统文化关于性别观念的复兴以及女大学生的主体意识薄弱。     

Decision-Making in court: Observing the sentencing of men and women

Abstract

Using systematic observation together with an analysis of the relevant court and criminal records this research examined the processing and sentencing of a small number of male and female defendants in an English magistrates' court. The findings indicate that sentencing was indirectly affected by a defendant's sex and directly affected by at least one aspect of a defendant's demeanour. These results provide support for the view that combining systematic observation with an analysis of court records offers a more effective means of investigating the differential treatment of male and female defendants than either unsystematic observational studies or the analysis of court records alone.     

转折时代乡土中国的现代／性--以《人生》为例

路遥的《人生》以主人公高加林的个人主义奋斗为中心，揭示了1980年代初期中国乡土社会的一系列新的变化。以高加林返、离、再返乡村的人生道路及其在巧珍与亚萍间进退失据的爱情选择为线索进行探讨发现，“城乡交叉地带”的知识男性身上隐喻了转折时代乡土中国现代／性的欲望与挫折，以及“乡土中国何去何从”这一历史症结，对解读转折时代乡土中国的现代性具有重要意义。     

家庭工人体面劳动公约对中国立法的影响

本文评介了《2011年家庭工人公约》的基本精神和立法协商机制,对中国相关法律进行了性别审计。借鉴国际经验,提出并论证了一些立法建议,包括遵循人权普遍性和非歧视原则,打破劳动法不调整私人雇佣的思维定势,通过三方协商机制和社会对话确立家政工劳动保障标准。     

创业女性性别角色认定的特征及差异研究

虽然男性的创业数量比女性高,但性别本身并不影响创业,真正影响创业的是个体的性别角色认定。对225名创业女性进行研究,发现创业女性的性别角色认定与普通女性有着显著的不同,女性化所占比例不到1/4,而男性化、双性化所占比例则超过50%。就性别角色认定的结构而言,创业女性拥有男性化特征竞争、力量、自治、进取及女性化的特征友好、共感、率真,并且在力量、自治、进取、友好及率真方面存在差异。     

论高等学校实施性别教育的价值取向与可能性

以建构高等学校德育和专业人才综合素质培养的社会性别向度、彰显性别理论学术研究、规范高等学校性别知识体系建设、将性别教育纳入高师教育主流体系、加强对高等学校实施性别教育的教育行政管理为主要目标；以建构社会性别发展性高等学校德育模式、在高等学校人才培养方案中建构社会性别理论通识教育、在教师教育中实施社会性别意识教育为主要措施，发挥高校教育在促进性别平等发展中的积极作用，将是促进高校教育公平和消除性别歧视的有益探索。     

后女性主义与性别表演：“网红”及“网红经济”分析

2016年，“网红”成为传媒和经济领域都颇引人注目的一支力量。从女性主义的角度来说，在外形方面，高度同质化的“网红”迎合了男性的色情窥视，也强化了对女性的性别刻板印象。但是“网红”体现出来的巨大经济力量却又在一定程度上挑战了现有的性别秩序。而2016年最为引人注目的 papi 酱，虽然和其他“网红”有着相似的一面，但更以其自身的特质吸引了众多的女性粉丝，体现了网络文化异质多元的一面。     

El Mercurio Lies,and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010

In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera, both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of presidents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these presidents than El Mercurio. In La Tercera we also identify an ideological bias in favour of Piñera as compared to the centre‐left presidents, and in El Mercurio a greater bias against Bachelet than the other presidents.     

The Monitoring Capacity of Civil Society Networks: A Social Network Analysis in the Case of Gender Equality Policy

The role of civil society organizations (CSOs) as a watchdog in the implementation process is widely acknowledged. However, little is known about what determines their capacity to monitor EU policy implementation and how it differs across member states. This article accounts for social capital as well as human and financial capital to determine the monitoring capacity of CSOs. To capture sources of social capital, a network analysis is applied in a comparative case article on the monitoring networks of national platforms of the European Women’s Lobby across eight EU member states. The analysis reveals that CSOs in western member states are rich in human, financial and social capital, while CSOs in CEE member states compensate for this lack of resources by linking up with the Commission.     

‘Without Education You Can Never Become President’: Teenage Pregnancy and Pseudo-empowerment in Post-Ebola Sierra Leone

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the emergence of ‘teenage pregnancy’ as a new policy focus in post-Ebola Sierra Leone and explores how Sierra Leoneans interpret the problem of ‘teenage pregnancy’. I argue that the new policy focus is not indicative of changing or new problems. Rather, ‘teenage pregnancy’ has created opportunities for donors and the Government of Sierra Leone to continue cooperation in gender politics. At the same time, Sierra Leoneans are clearly concerned about ‘teenage pregnancy’, and many agree with sensitization campaigns that responsibilize young women and girls while downplaying structural factors that render them vulnerable to arrangements involving transactional sex.