马克思主义法学在当代中国的难题

变化和开放是马克思主义学说发展的必要条件.马克思主义法学的基本理论渊源于科学社会主义,在当代中国,其支柱和支点理论受到了不同程度的挑战.关于"马克思主义法学"概念、法的本质属性、法功能的局限性、法学研究方法、法的主体和客体、法学的基本问题和基本范畴、法与科学技术的关系、西方法学思想价值的重新评价、中国传统法文化的整理、马克思主义法学在当代中国发展的百年历史的梳理和总结,及国内法与国际法的衔接点和转化系统的系统研究,是马克思主义法学在当代中国发展所面临的十大难题.     

The Gender Differences in Final Year Undergraduates＇ Salary Expectations： A Perspective of Gender Role Socialization

本文选取华中地区一高校,采用顺序式解释性混合研究设计来探讨大学生薪水期望的性别差异问题。通过问卷调查,笔者发现男大学生对第一份工作的薪水期望显著高于女大学生。结合问卷调查结果和深度访谈资料,本文认为大学生薪水期望的性别差异与大学生的家庭性别角色观念有着比较密切的联系。本研究发现：即使受过高等教育,大学生仍然持有一些传统的家庭性别角色观念,如他们认为男性应该主要承担养家户口的责任;而女性则无须承担此责任,她们成家后的重心应该在家庭上。最后,本文从以下3个方面来讨论此结论：传统＂男主外,女主内＂的家庭性别角色分工观念的影响;传统文化关于性别观念的复兴以及女大学生的主体意识薄弱。     

Decision-Making in court: Observing the sentencing of men and women

Abstract

Using systematic observation together with an analysis of the relevant court and criminal records this research examined the processing and sentencing of a small number of male and female defendants in an English magistrates' court. The findings indicate that sentencing was indirectly affected by a defendant's sex and directly affected by at least one aspect of a defendant's demeanour. These results provide support for the view that combining systematic observation with an analysis of court records offers a more effective means of investigating the differential treatment of male and female defendants than either unsystematic observational studies or the analysis of court records alone.     

转折时代乡土中国的现代／性--以《人生》为例

路遥的《人生》以主人公高加林的个人主义奋斗为中心，揭示了1980年代初期中国乡土社会的一系列新的变化。以高加林返、离、再返乡村的人生道路及其在巧珍与亚萍间进退失据的爱情选择为线索进行探讨发现，“城乡交叉地带”的知识男性身上隐喻了转折时代乡土中国现代／性的欲望与挫折，以及“乡土中国何去何从”这一历史症结，对解读转折时代乡土中国的现代性具有重要意义。     

家庭工人体面劳动公约对中国立法的影响

本文评介了《2011年家庭工人公约》的基本精神和立法协商机制,对中国相关法律进行了性别审计。借鉴国际经验,提出并论证了一些立法建议,包括遵循人权普遍性和非歧视原则,打破劳动法不调整私人雇佣的思维定势,通过三方协商机制和社会对话确立家政工劳动保障标准。     

创业女性性别角色认定的特征及差异研究

虽然男性的创业数量比女性高,但性别本身并不影响创业,真正影响创业的是个体的性别角色认定。对225名创业女性进行研究,发现创业女性的性别角色认定与普通女性有着显著的不同,女性化所占比例不到1/4,而男性化、双性化所占比例则超过50%。就性别角色认定的结构而言,创业女性拥有男性化特征竞争、力量、自治、进取及女性化的特征友好、共感、率真,并且在力量、自治、进取、友好及率真方面存在差异。     

论高等学校实施性别教育的价值取向与可能性

以建构高等学校德育和专业人才综合素质培养的社会性别向度、彰显性别理论学术研究、规范高等学校性别知识体系建设、将性别教育纳入高师教育主流体系、加强对高等学校实施性别教育的教育行政管理为主要目标；以建构社会性别发展性高等学校德育模式、在高等学校人才培养方案中建构社会性别理论通识教育、在教师教育中实施社会性别意识教育为主要措施，发挥高校教育在促进性别平等发展中的积极作用，将是促进高校教育公平和消除性别歧视的有益探索。     

后女性主义与性别表演：“网红”及“网红经济”分析

2016年，“网红”成为传媒和经济领域都颇引人注目的一支力量。从女性主义的角度来说，在外形方面，高度同质化的“网红”迎合了男性的色情窥视，也强化了对女性的性别刻板印象。但是“网红”体现出来的巨大经济力量却又在一定程度上挑战了现有的性别秩序。而2016年最为引人注目的 papi 酱，虽然和其他“网红”有着相似的一面，但更以其自身的特质吸引了众多的女性粉丝，体现了网络文化异质多元的一面。     

El Mercurio Lies,and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010

In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera, both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of presidents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these presidents than El Mercurio. In La Tercera we also identify an ideological bias in favour of Piñera as compared to the centre‐left presidents, and in El Mercurio a greater bias against Bachelet than the other presidents.     

How is it Possible for Democracies to Effectively Tackle Long-Term Problems?

ABSTRACT

The aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations.