言语交际中的性别文化观

社会中的任何人都离不开言语交际,并通过言语交际来传输信息、传播价值观。鉴于主流社会是语言的主导力量的,社会中使用的语言大多是主流社会认可、认同的语言,社会中盛行的价值观往往是主流社会主张、确认的价值观。本文通过对男性话语权利在言语交际中三方面的分析来揭示言语交际背后所隐藏的文化价值观,以凸现语言是如何影响人们的性别观念及如何制约人们在性别问题上的思考方式。     

30年代中国"新女性"的角色扮演与社会互动——以电影《新女性》为个案

本文从社会性别的视角,通过对电影《新女性》及其相关传媒文本的文本分析,探讨20世纪30年代中国"新女性"的角色扮演与社会互动,从中揭示男性主体对女性的角色塑造和掌控。     

两性收入差异的长期变动趋势及影响因素分析

性别平等问题一直为中国政府所关注,中国妇女的社会经济地位也自1949年以来有了根本性的改善。然而,收入的性别不公现象依然比较严重。本文利用"中国健康与营养调查"数据,分析1989-2006年间两性收入的特征、变化轨迹及差异的决定因素。多层模型分析结果表明,女性收入相当于男性收入的70-80%左右。形成差异的原因是多方面的,其中纯粹的性别歧视依然存在。     

略论排污权交易制度若干问题

随着政府职能的转变,逐渐由过去的简单管理型向引导服务型发展,这体现在环境保护领域,则是政府运用经济刺激手段引导企业的环境行为,有效促进企业不经济行为的内部化。排污权作为环保市场化的重要组成部分,在实现环境保护和可持续发展方面起着非常重要的作用。本文阐述了排污权交易的产生背景、建立排污权交易的必要性、外国排污权交易制度的实践经验及在此基础之上分析我国建立实施排污权交易制度的经验和作用等问题。     

Democratic Party Control Reduces Gender Inequality

Women earn less than men who work in the same job with the same level of experience. We know much about this gender wage gap but relatively little about its political or partisan sources. In this article, we examine the effects of party control of state government on gender inequality in income, wages, unemployment, and poverty. Employing both a regression discontinuity design and a dynamic difference‐in‐difference analysis, we find that electing a Democratic majority to the state house leads to substantial improvement in women's incomes, wages, and unemployment relative to men—especially in recent years. We also show that greater female representation in office and more liberal policymaking on policies related to women's rights could be driving that process. We find, however, fewer clear effects on poverty and less robust results for partisan control of the governor's office or the state senate. Parties and politics matter, but not always.     

从自由到平等:美国言论自由的现代转型

自1960年代开始,美国言论自由开启了从经典时期向现代的转型。在色情作品、仇恨言论和竞选经费三个领域,言论自由分别与性别平等、种族平等和财富平等正面相遇。通过把"平等"价值引入言论自由这一转型,使色情作品、仇恨言论和竞选经费从单纯的自由问题变为平等与自由间的平衡;同时,为了促进平等,它还强调法律和政策应告别形式中立,必须向弱势群体有所倾斜。这一转型相当于一场言论自由的"新政",终结了言论自由的洛克纳时代,重塑了言论自由的范式和议程,并对当代言论自由的发展产生持续和深远的影响。     

The Effects of Feminist Mobilization and Women’s Status on Universities’ Reporting of Rape

ABSTRACT

When establishing the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault, President Obama reminded universities of their obligation to report accurate rape statistics to the Department of Education. Research has not determined, on a national scale, what factors explain variation in (under)reporting. Using data from 413 top universities’ websites and institutional and archival data, we examine how state- and university-level factors shape universities’ rape reporting. Universities with a greater feminist presence and antiviolence activism, and those located in states where women have higher socioeconomic status and more American Association of University Women partnerships, report more rapes. We examine underreporting as an institutional rather than an individual-level phenomenon, connect campus reporting to the larger reporting literature, and provide practical policy and program implications.     

Women are more likely than men to blame structural factors for women's political under-representation: Evidence from 27 countries

Over time, gender and politics research has made progress in identifying those factors that result in low numbers of women in political institutions and in making evidence-informed suggestions about how to ameliorate them. These factors include discrimination in party recruitment processes, male-dominated political culture and broader gender inequalities in society. In contrast, little is known about public opinion regarding these drivers of women's political under-representation, especially whether to who or what women assign blame for the under-representation of women in politics differs from men. This article provides the first discussion and analysis of blame assignment for women's numeric under-representation in politics. In doing so, it outlines and operationalises a framework that distinguishes between meritocratic explanations of women's under-representation, whereby the blame for women not holding political office in greater numbers is assigned to women themselves, and structural explanations, whereby social forces external to women are seen to result in their numeric under-representation. Cross-national data from 27 European countries is used to show that women are significantly more likely than men to assign blame for women's numeric under-representation to structural factors. The hierarchical nature of the dataset is exploited using multilevel models and significant differences in levels of structural blame assignment between countries is found as well as between-country variation in the probability of women assigning blame to structural explanations for women's under-representation. Finally, the category of structural explanations is disaggregated in order to assess their relative prominence and to provide strong corroborative evidence that women predominantly assign blame for women's under-representation to political culture over other structural blame factors. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study's findings for policy makers contemplating the pursuit of gender equality policies aimed at increasing women's political representation and makes suggestions for the direction of future research in this area.     

Beyond silence and voice: gender,sexuality and antimilitarism in Turkey and Israel

Turkey and Israel project two distinct military regimes which construct gender and sexuality in specific ways as part of their respective security agendas. Despite the differences, however, both entitle women and LGBTQs to certain exemptions from the military service, and in doing so silence their antimilitarist activism. Women and LGBTQs counter this process through their acts of conscientious objection, through which they claim a voice in matters of militarism, security and war. While doing so, however, they reproduce a dichotomous conceptualisation of silence and voice, which falls short of explaining their agency as well as its outcomes. Drawing on a comparative analysis, I argue that a more nuanced understanding of agency necessitates deconstructing the dichotomy between silence and voice, each of which may have multiple meanings, connotations and consequences. Whereas silent acts of grey objection do not always point to a lack of agency and resistance, or domination, and may indeed create change; voice and visibility that follow their declared acts of objection may entail costs and loss of agency, in that not only does it come at the expense of the masculinisation/militarisation of their acts but may also result in the immediate deterioration of their rights to refuse.     

“The Long and Winding Road”: A Comparative Policy Analysis of Multilevel Judicial Implementation of Work‒Life Balance in Spain

ABSTRACT

This article studies how processes of policy implementation and the impact of a multilevel European legal order shape social policies. By using an interdisciplinary approach to comparative policy analysis that investigates policy implementation through the critical study of judicial litigation, the article analyses the case of García Mateos on work?life balance in its different stages before Spanish and supranational courts. It shows that the implementation of work?life balance policy through litigation in Spain is a “long and winding road” paved with discursive and material opportunities and obstacles. While multiple pressures, actors, and framings at different governmental levels contributed to a favourable judicial decision on gender equality, norms about the gendered division of labour limited its transformative potential.