Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

Do party supporters accept policy compromises in coalition governments?

Government formation in multi-party systems often requires coalition negotiations and finding common ground among coalition partners. Supporters of parties involved in the government formation process face a trade-off when evaluating such bargaining processes: on the one hand, voters usually prefer seeing their party being in government rather than in opposition; on the other hand, negotiations require coalition compromises that they might dislike. In this paper, we study voters’ willingness to accept policy compromises during government formation processes. We argue that voters’ acceptance of policy compromises depends on both the strength of their party attachment and the importance they assign to the issue at stake during the coalition negotiations. Not giving in on important issues is key, especially for supporters of challenger parties, who hold strong policy preferences on a selected number of issues. To test these expectations, we collected original survey data immediately after the Spanish general election in November 2019. The results show support for the hypothesized effects, shed light on the pressure potential coalition partners face during government formation and help explain the failures of government formation attempts in increasingly polarized societies.     

Who talks about what? Issue strategies across the party hierarchy

We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.     

怎样做一名合格的基层支部干事

基层支部干事作为党支部书记的有力助手,在基层党建中发挥着不可忽视的作用。基层支部干事对基层党支部工作的任务及自身工作的定位、支部干事工作的核心理念及对自身能力素质的要求等方面要有明确的认识。一名合格的支部干事要通过认真学习、深入群众,不断提高综合素质、业务能力和自身修养,创新工作方法,树立良好形象,强化中心意识,更好地成为党务工作的执行者和人民群众的服务者。     

论第三人缔约过失责任的制度构建

对于缔约关系,我国《合同法》和《侵权责任法》虽然都有所规定,但其规定的调整对象都是针对缔约双方当事人而言的。而对于在缔约过程中,因第三人的介入而给缔约当事人造成损害的情形,这两个制度都无法提供合理并全面的救济。但在司法实践中,又存在着第三人侵害当事人缔约关系的法律纠纷,为此,我们应当构建第三人缔约过失责任制度,现阶段考虑到立法的缓慢性与司法实践解决类似法律纠纷的紧迫性之间的矛盾,遵循法律适用的目标,可以依据诚实信用原则将缔约过失责任扩大至第三人,在法律没有明确规定的情况下,最高院可以先通过设立典型案例的方式来解决其适用与推广过程中存在的不确定性。     

浅析利益分化与政党的社会整合

党对社会的有效整合是党执政的重要政治基础和社会基础。当代中国社会转型时期,利益群体多元化、复杂化会对执政党的社会整合功能形成一定的挑战,需要优化我国政党制度社会整合功能。探讨当代利益群体多元化与优化我国政党制度整合功能的逻辑关系具有重大的理论意义和现实意义。     

执政党意识与执政意识辨析

执政党意识和执政意识是政党文化研究中两个重要概念,学界对这两个概念的界定还没有达成比较一致的看法。执政党意识和执政意识是两个不同的概念,两者统一于执政。执政党意识对应革命党意识、在野党意识、反对党意识、参政党意识;执政党意识的核心是长期执政,革命党意识的核心是使用暴力夺取政权,在野党意识和反对党意识的核心是民主选举赢得政权,参政党意识的核心是参与执政党的政权建设。执政意识是执政党意识的内容和表现形式,主要回答执政党为什么执政为谁执政怎样执政等具体性问题。     

油田企业推进政治优势转化的思考

实现油田企业持续健康发展,需要切实推进政治优势转化,这不仅是油田企业发展的内在要求,更是适应改革发展形势的重要命题。当前,面对油田企业的改革发展正在跳出对传统发展方式和路径的依赖的新形势下,就需要在转变作风、制度建设、履职能力、典型培养和文化引领等方面,稳步推进政治优势转化。     

光船租赁情况下，有关船舶抵押权设立问题

本文就光船承租人设定船舶抵押权的效力 ,及光租合同下承租人的租货权与出租人设立的抵押权的关系等方面 ,论述了光租情况下 ,船舶抵押权设立。     

《鹿特丹规则》下中国与泰国海运立法探讨

本文通过分析比较《鹿特丹规则》下中国与泰国的海上运输法的具体内容,得出中国和泰国在海上运输法领域的立法走向,为中国发展与泰国的经贸关系提供建议。