推进马克思主义政党建设思想的大众化

马克思主义政党建设思想大众化是推进马克思主义大众化、推进党的建设伟大工程的需要,是总结苏联共产党失败经验得出的结论。马克思主义政党建设思想大众化有其固有的内涵、对象、内容与方式。必须以改革创新的精神推进党的建设思想的大众化,要以普通党员和人民群众特别是农村党员和农民为重点,要与科学性和时代性相结合起来,要面向解决重大现实理论问题。     

新思考、新理念、新教育——中国延安干部学院党性教育拓展研究

根据＂发扬传统,发挥优势,发展特色＂的原则,采取＂寓党性教育于严格的组织生活之中、寓党性教育于马克思主义理论教学之中、寓党性教育于丰富的社会实践活动之中、寓党性教育于学员管理之中＂等针对性的措施,实现理论与实际、学习与运用、言论与行动相统一,是增强中国延安干部学院党性教育的重要措施。     

尊重党员主体地位和保障党员民主权利的理论基础及时代价值

马克思主义经典作家阐述了尊重党员主体地位与保障党员民主权利的一系列原则问题，为确立党员主体地位和保障党员民主权利奠定了基础。同时，我们党提出“尊重党员主体地位，保障党员民主权利”的重要论断具有鲜明的时代内涵和丰富的时代价值。     

困境与革命——对合同相对性的第三人解读

合同相对性原则是合同法的一块基石。但是在合同相对性的本质中，就已经孕育了革命的种子——第三人。20世纪以来，经济的复杂化和交易的日趋频繁。使得这粒种子茁壮成长，并突破了它的内核，因此，应当承认革命者的地位，重新界定合同相对性的内核，建立第三人制度，平衡第三人与合同当事人利益。     

试论加强党的执政能力建设

执政能力建设的提出具有深刻的背景,我们要准确把握执政能力建设的内涵和发展方向。只有取得高的执政效率的执政党才能具有高的执政能力。而执政方式问题决定着执政活动的成本与产出,是执政效率的决定性因素,是执政能力建设的关键。     

"以人为本"与"依法治国"的价值定位

“以人为本”与“依法治国”有密切的关系,主要是基于“以人为本”确定依法治国的目的性价值及“以人为本”思想有助于真正推动法治的实现两个方面。     

加强党在民族工作方面执政能力建设的基本要求

加强党在民族工作方面的执政能力建设是提高党的执政能力的重要方面,也是党在新世纪解决好民族问题的现实要求。按照新时期党的建设的战略部署,党在民族工作方面的执政能力建设也需要从五个方面来不断提高和完善。     

The Quiet Revolution? The Labour Party and Welfare Conditionality

Labour's 2017 general election manifesto contained a pledge to ‘end the punitive sanctions regime’ in the British welfare state. Whilst the specific implications of this pledge were not elaborated, such a policy would nevertheless constitute a profound break with a welfare consensus spanning over twenty years. The depth of the suggested changes on welfare are also evident in the scale of reform proposed to disability benefits, as well as plans—confirmed in August 2018 by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—to pilot universal basic income. Collectively, these policies would seemingly be deeply at odds with public opinion on the benefits system, which over the course of the last two decades has significantly hardened. Yet despite the seemingly radical and controversial nature of the policy, it received very little media or public attention during the election campaign. This article explores Labour's ‘quiet revolution’ on welfare, examining whether Labour's new welfare approach is indeed a bold attempt to reshape public opinion on welfare or, alternatively, a mostly pragmatic reaction to changing social attitudes. The argument presented is that whilst there are persuasive explanations that Labour is responding to a change in the public mood, there is also evidence of a more ambitious goal at stake: the aim of reshaping, not simply responding to, public opinion on the welfare state.     

Party convergence and vote switching: Explaining mainstream party decline across Europe

How can one explain the significant vote losses of mainstream parties across Europe in recent years? In this article, it is argued that mainstream party convergence is an important determinant of the recent political and electoral volatility in European party systems. More specifically, it is hypothesised that as mainstream parties converge on the left-right scale, voters will switch from supporting a mainstream party to a non-mainstream party in the next election as they look for an alternative that better represents their ideological views. To test these theoretical expectations, data is combined from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Manifestos Project for nearly 15,000 vote choices of individual voters in 30 elections in 16 West and East European countries from 2001 until 2013. The findings have important implications for understanding the recent rise of non-mainstream parties, the changing nature of party systems and the increasing complexity of cabinet formation across Europe.     

Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far-reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti-European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue-based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU-related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far-right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far-left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.