A problem with empirical studies of party policy shifts: Alternative measures of party shifts are uncorrelated

Many recent cross-national studies analyse the causes and electoral consequences of party policy shifts, using party position measures derived from election manifestos, expert surveys or voter surveys. However few studies validate their findings by analysing multiple measures of party policy shifts. In this article, data on European parties’ position shifts on both European integration and left-right ideology is analysed, showing that this is problematic because, while alternative measures of party policy positions correlate strongly in cross-sectional analyses, alternative measures of parties’ policy shifts are essentially uncorrelated in longitudinal analyses. Suggestions are offered on how to address this problem.     

Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

论股东对公司对外诉讼裁判提起第三人撤销之诉——兼评最高人民法院指导案例148号

最高人民法院指导案例148号的裁判要点指出,对于公司与相对人之间的生效裁判,股东无权提起第三人撤销之诉。股东是否为公司对外诉讼的第三人,取决于股东就公司对外法律关系是否有一定的实体法地位。公司对外行为可能有越权、不当关联交易、恶意串通等瑕疵。只有在公司行为构成恶意串通无效时,股东在实体上才有权攻击公司与相对人之间的法律关系,相应地在程序上成为公司诉讼的有独立请求权第三人。若效力瑕疵在实体上仅能由公司主张,则股东因欠缺实体法权限而非为有独立请求权第三人,亦不能基于"代位"而成为无独立请求权第三人。承认股东的原告资格符合第三人撤销之诉的制度机理,且与公司的法人独立人格不矛盾,因为在恶意串通时不存在法人独立人格所保护的法益。股东第三人撤销之诉的效果亦非公司内部救济所能代替。未来应修正该指导案例的裁判规则,承认特定情形下股东的第三人撤销之诉原告资格。     

Do party supporters accept policy compromises in coalition governments?

Government formation in multi-party systems often requires coalition negotiations and finding common ground among coalition partners. Supporters of parties involved in the government formation process face a trade-off when evaluating such bargaining processes: on the one hand, voters usually prefer seeing their party being in government rather than in opposition; on the other hand, negotiations require coalition compromises that they might dislike. In this paper, we study voters’ willingness to accept policy compromises during government formation processes. We argue that voters’ acceptance of policy compromises depends on both the strength of their party attachment and the importance they assign to the issue at stake during the coalition negotiations. Not giving in on important issues is key, especially for supporters of challenger parties, who hold strong policy preferences on a selected number of issues. To test these expectations, we collected original survey data immediately after the Spanish general election in November 2019. The results show support for the hypothesized effects, shed light on the pressure potential coalition partners face during government formation and help explain the failures of government formation attempts in increasingly polarized societies.     

Who talks about what? Issue strategies across the party hierarchy

We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.     

论有独立请求权的第三人制度之完善

有独立请求权的第三人制度,作为我国民事诉讼法的众多制度之一,既具有一系列优点,又存在一些不足和缺陷。本文在重点分析我国有独立请求权的第三人制度所存在的诉讼依据过于狭窄、第三人权利保护不如原告全面、诉讼结构不尽合理等不足与缺陷基础上,有针对性地提出了完善我国有独立请求权的第三人制度的一些建议和措施。     

建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史透视

中国共产党始终注重学习马克思主义理论,并不断将其与中国实际相结合,努力实现马克思主义中国化。党学习马克思主义理论,在党创立后的前30年,着重从思想上建设党,确立了正确的思想和政治路线,实现了马克思主义中国化第一次历史性飞跃,取得了新民主主义革命伟大胜利;在第二个＂30年＂,对适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路进行了艰苦的探索,教训十分深刻;在最近的＂30年＂,党从号召学习马克思主义理论走向建设马克思主义学习型政党,期间现实了马克思主义中国化第二次历史性飞跃,从而取得了中国特色社会主义事业的伟大成就。党建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史给予我们许多重要启示。     

中国工人阶级的世纪奋斗与现实启迪

中国工人阶级是我国先进生产力和生产关系的代表,是中国共产党最坚实最可靠的阶级基础,在历次革命、建设、改革和发展变革中,做出了巨大历史贡献。新形势下,要始终保持工人阶级的先进性,高度重视巩固党的阶级基础,充分发挥工人阶级主力军作用,切实加强和改进工会工作,实践时代所赋予的光荣使命。     

论党性教育课程实施的创生取向

课程实施创生取向就是在教育情境中,教师与学生根据自己的实际情况与需要,在已有知识、经验、能力、技能、智慧的基础上整合既有的课程变革计划,联合发明、建造、创造并自然生成新的教育经验的过程。坚持党性教育课程实施的创生取向,通过深化规律性认识、强化实践理念以及拓宽培训思路,充分调动起学员的积极性和主动性,提高党性教育的效果。     

加强党风建设,努力实现“三个代表”

加强党的建设,实现“三个代表”的根本目的在于保证党和人民的血肉联系。所以,必须用“三个代表”的要求规范党的活动,夯实我党执政的合法性基础,批判地继承和吸收人类政治文明的优秀成果。