“党建”与“共建”:形塑基层社会治理格局的双重逻辑——基于杭州市D区的考察

从党的政策表述及当前实践来看,基层社会治理格局的形塑过程蕴含着“党建”与“共建”的双重逻辑。“党建”的出发点是巩固党的组织优势和执政基础,表现为基层组织体系从“有形覆盖”走向“有效覆盖”,进而为引领基层社会治理准备条件。“共建”要求探索“一核多元”的治理模式,既要实现基层党组织对“共建”力量的联结和协调,也要保障多元治理主体的有效参与,同步推进群众自治、社会共治和公共服务。“党建”与“共建”的双重逻辑呈现,亦关联着社会治理研究范式的更新。     

全面推进党的建设为深入实施西部大开发战略提供坚强保障

深入实施西部大开发战略,开创宁夏科学发展、跨越发展新局面,关键在党,关键在人.宁夏各级党组织一定要以提高党的执政能力、保持党的先进性为主线,切实加强各级领导班子能力建设,切实加强基层党组织建设,切实加强干部队伍建设和人才培养,切实转变工作作风,为深入实施西部大开发战略,实现宁夏科学发展、跨越发展提供坚强的政治保证和组织保证.     

“九七”前后香港政党政治发展分析

在20世纪80年代前,由于英国对香港实施殖民地式统治,香港并没有类似西方国家盛行的民主政治,因此没有政党政治的存在。80年代以后,随着代议政制的推行,香港出现了政党政治。"九七"香港回归后,"一国两制"为香港的政党政治的发展提供了更大的政治空间,使香港的政党政治发展逐步趋向成熟。     

仲裁中应设立第三人制度

社会关系的复杂性使仲裁活动涉及签订仲裁协议的当事人以外的第三人的情况客观存在。学术界对于仲裁中应否设立第三人制度意见不一。仲裁的实践、仲裁的法律性质和仲裁的价值目标决定了仲裁中设立第三人制度的必要性、合理性和必然性。仲裁第三人制度应从第三人参加仲裁的方式、时间 ,第三人的权利及其限制等方面加以规定。     

毛泽东的党内和谐思想探究

毛泽东虽然没有提出党内和谐的概念,但他的思想体系中却有着丰富的党内和谐思想。毛泽东的党内和谐思想的主要之点可以归纳为:提出着重从思想上建党,首先从思想上构建党内和谐;创造整风形式,通过整风化解党内矛盾、实现党内和谐;提出民主集中制的公式和目标,意在造就党内和谐局面;提出党的干部标准和路线,意在消除党内不和谐的主要肇因;倡导批评与自我批评的作风,为党内和谐提供有效手段;高度重视党的思想政治工作,寻求实现党内和谐的有效工具。     

江泽民党建思想研究：回顾与展望

在江泽民党建思想的研究中,我们应加强比较研究工作。要加强研究的系统性和纵深性,对江泽民党建思想作出全面、细致的梳理,弥补目前研究中无专著的缺憾。还应在理论体系构建上多下工夫。     

华人政治地位与马来西亚的政治分层

本文通过分析马来西亚华马两族执政党的不同地位、政府公共职位的族群分配比例以及选区划分的族群利益倾向,探讨马来西亚族群政治分层以及族群在政治领域存在的结构性差异.结果表明,华人明显处于政治弱势,在族群权益博弈中的地位由此大为削弱.     

Weak and Ineffective? Reassessing the Party Political Leadership of John Major

Interpretations on the party political leadership of John Major are dominated by perceptions of weakness and ineffectiveness. This article examines his party political leadership by considering the relationship between, first, his political ambitions, and, second, his style of political leadership. When evaluating the political ambitions of Major, the article will demonstrate that he was ideologically agnostic and a political pragmatist. When examining his party political leadership style, the article will demonstrate, via an examination of his management of the European policy divide and his Cabinet management, that he was politically indecisive and an avoider of political confrontation. The article concludes, however, that perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness should be contextualised due to the following two factors: first, the constraints of inheriting an ideologically divided parliamentary Conservative party; and, second, the contrasting circumstances that ensured that his predecessor and successor appeared strong and effective, which have magnified perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness.     

The evolution of party images and party system in Taiwan, 1992–2004

This article examines the evolution of party images in Taiwan between 1992 and 2004. It shows that party images are not immutable, as while the DPP gained more positive images, the other parties gained more negative images during the research period. The results show that the Taiwanese parties have quite distinct party images. Taiwanese voters often tend to use ethnic background and the cross-Strait relations to define the parties. Party images also play a significant role in Taiwanese voting behaviour, even when other variables are controlled. Voters tend to vote for the parties that they have favourable impressions of. The results also have implications for how political parties package themselves to attract more votes and on the development of the party system in Taiwan.     

Party Potential and the Pattern of Party Competition in the 2003 Swiss Federal Elections

This article explores both the party potential of the five major parties in Switzerland at the 2003 elections and how well the parties actually did in relation to how well they could have done. A party's electoral potential depends on both the probability of the electorate voting for the party and on the probability of individual voters participating in an election. The analysis shows that the SVP and the CVP were successful in mobilising their potential voters in the 2003 elections, while the FDP did almost as badly as they could have done. However, compared to the potential of the FDP or the SP, the overall potential of the SVP is limited. For the SVP, issue specific factors account for the mobilising success. This is especially the case for its stands against the EU and asylum seekers. The CVP profited from the Ruth Metzler effect, who was a key figure in the 2003 CVP campaign.