论中俄关系发展进程中的人文交流与合作

21世纪的第二个10年是中国实现和平发展的关键时期,同时也是俄罗斯国力振兴、重新崛起的重要阶段。两国国家发展战略的重心都在国内,巩固睦邻友好、推进战略协作是两国维护各自国家安全、促进国内经济发展的共同需求。而中俄两国只有最大限度地利用经济互补性,制订共同战略、争取共同发展,才能实现各自的崛起与振兴。中俄两国领导人不止一次强调,中国和俄罗斯需要加强在政治、经济、安全等领域的合作,更要在人文领域开展对话。人文交流与合作是中俄战略协作伙伴关系的重要组成部分,对巩固两国关系的社会基础具有重要意义。     

“共同人性”与“差等人性”的重新反思

“共同人性”与“差等人性”是人性问题上纠缠不清、争论不休的古老话题。历史上,“共同人性”曾经遭到“性三品”论和“阶级人性”论的冲击和批判,当下又遭到非本质主义哲学的解构,似乎振振有词,理直气壮,其实矛盾百出,遗患甚多。重新盘点、比较、甄别和反思中外思想史上关于“共同人性”与“差等人性”论述的得失,清除差等人性论,肯定共同人性论,不仅在当下具有极大的理论和实践上的拨乱反正意义,而且对于自觉认识和把握普遍人性,顺应人性制定政策方针、实现国泰民安,具有十分重要的启迪意义。     

对未成年刑释人员法律保护体现人文情怀的思考

人文情怀是未成年刑释人员法律保护的固有属性 ,未成年刑释人员法律保护所体现的人文情怀主要有解读、交流、宽容、维权、关怀等内容 ,未成年刑释人员法律保护要达到好的效果 ,主要取决于法律法规、社会导向、工作机制的人文情怀体现及未成年刑释人员自我保护意识和能力增强等相关因素。     

文学与人文素养

目前我国大学生普遍缺乏传统文化和人文精神的浸润,因此我们应运用文学阅读的手段来影响、感化和塑造青年学生,用文学来充实其精神世界,培育其人文精神,树立正确的世界观,使其成为现代化建设的高素质人才。     

The Politics of Memory/Errinerungspolitik and the Use and Propriety of Law in the Process of Memory Construction

The post-Second World War trial for the crime against humanity from the start assumed pedagogical proportions, with the tribunals involved conscious that their legal verdicts would represent historical pronouncement and national values. The newly defined crime has been asked to institutionalize far more than the traditional task of adjudicating the guilt or innocence of the defendant. The trials themselves are meant to define the past, create and crystallize national memory, and illuminate the foundations of the future. I suggest that, by placing a burden on law that it is not designed to bear,we risk deforming law and legal principle. We risk creating an edifice that will not be equal to the task of memory, that will trivialize the memory it seeks to establish and fortify and, worst of all, that may betray law itself by subverting it from within. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

中国人文思想史上的六次启蒙（上）——兼论周代是中国思想史上“‘人’的觉醒”时期

“启蒙”的本义是开发蒙昧、清除荒谬、发现真理。“启蒙”并不是“五四”运动和邓小平倡导的思想解放运动的专利。在此前的中国古代人文思想领域,曾经发生过四次启蒙,它们依次出现于周代、六朝、明清、近代,启蒙的对象分别是夏商的神本蒙昧主义、汉代的“性善情恶”论和“性三品”说、隋唐宋元以儒家道学一理学为代表的唯理性主义,以及整个中国古代君主专制下的荒谬悖理的纲常伦理体系。而“五四”运动和邓小平倡导的思想解放运动则是第五次、第六次启蒙,它们的启蒙对象分别是古代“奴隶道德”和现代“极左”思潮。原古以溯今,中国人文思想史上的种种规律性的重合昭然若揭：蒙昧至极,必生启蒙;真理逾过半步,即成谬误;人文的真理相通,谬误也相通;在重复的谬误处可找寻教训,在重复的启蒙处可总结真理——它是我们今天进行价值伦理重构、推动中华民族伟大腾飞的宝贵资源。非常感谢祁志祥教授接受我们约稿,由于文章较长,特分两期刊出,以飨读者。     

刑法中善意原则之检讨——以人本思想为视角

人性人道人权应在善意的引领下成为法律的核心价值内涵.法律对人行为的定性是一种价值评价,而这种评价的标准必须是一种善良的标准.人本思想应内化于刑法,人性本善应成为立法者的内心确信,人道的教育刑理论应作为刑罚支撑,而在人权保障方面应注重人主体的差异性与主观方面的道义性.在立法上主张善意的应然法思想,司法上主张法官的善意解释原则,刑法只有在善意原则的指引下,才能实现保障人权的法律追求,成为人类良知的法律保障.     

European political parties: A (timidly) rising actor in the EU political system

The Lisbon Treaty sets ambitious goals for the Union in the field of external relations, but makes limited changes in the pursuit of these goals. The role of the High Representative is reinforced and an External Action Service will be set up, but decisions on the common foreign and security policy are still to be taken by consensus. The Representative and the Service will seek to facilitate the emergence of such consensus and to increase the effectiveness of its external implementation. But this can only be a gradual process, the success of which will depend largely upon the continuing political will of the member states.     

In search of real justice for Africa and Africans,and her/their descendants in a world of justice,injustices and impunity

Abstract

The quest for justice by Africans and peoples of African descent, wherever they may be in the world, is arguably one of the most daunting mental, psychological, moral, legal and material challenges facing humanity in general, and the peoples of Africa in particular. It is a question of whether African peoples demand justice for the wrongs committed against Africa and its peoples over the last 500 years, or whether Africa and African peoples accept complicity in the global impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of those injustices, and by doing so diminish the significance of contemporary enthusiasm for global justice. Centralising the question of impunity to date for horrendous crimes, gross human and peoples’ rights violations and other injustices against Africa and Africans is not meant to distract Africans in Africa and the diaspora from the quest, in the 21^st century, for a new Africa that we have a historical responsibility to build and, by doing so, to ensure that the past is not repeated. Acknowledging the wrongs of the past and making symbolic reparative actions for those wrongs are essential for ensuring that the pursuit for a better world of justice is not built on top of underlying sinkholes and on the waste dumps of past injustices. Critical breakthroughs, such as the commitment enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000), on crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the prohibition of unconstitutional change of government, must be vigorously pursued to their logical conclusion. To do so requires an understanding of where Africans, in their relationship with peoples in the rest of the world, are coming from. Smaller parts of the world have experienced similar heinous injustices with impunity, and Africa's pursuit of real justice also applies to those states and their peoples. Corrective or reparative justice is needed to clear the path for the meaningful and honest promotion of real global justice in the making of the future. It is imperative that the making of the African Renaissance confront real global justice for the sake of the past, the present and the future.     

Counter-terrorism and alien justice: the case of security certificates in Canada

This article examines the security certificate process that has been in effect in Canada since 1978 and the 2008 amendment (Bill C-3) of the Immigration and Refugees Protection Act. It highlights how democratic means can be used to subvert meaningful policy changes, and underscores the antinomy inherent in a nation-state's zeal to protect its citizens and appeals by a group of Arab Muslim men held under security certificates for suspected terrorist activities for their human rights to be recognised and respected by a state in which they are non-citizens. The problematic immanent in nation-states serving as guarantors of human rights and its concomitant misconstruing of human rights for citizenship rights are used to demonstrate that an ‘internal Other’ has been created in Canada. The security certificate, it is argued, in stipulating that detainees may request to be deported to countries where they regularly reside or hold nationality, makes them akin to Hannah Arendt's notion of the ‘rightless’ – people who have not only lost their home (i.e., polity) or ‘distinct place in the world’, but also their legal status. Consequently, even in an advanced democracy with grandiose claims to, and assurances of, individual liberty and fundamental freedoms, ‘rightless’ people face a great danger by the fact of being nothing beyond ‘human’.