Pluralisme identitaire et nation unitaire en Suisse

Résumé: L’article s’interroge sur l’absence, en Suisse, d’un mouvement national interne qui s’opposerait au récit national fédéral. L’auto‐désignation comme nation, au sein de pays plurilingues comme le Canada, est l’indice de tensions linguistiques fortes, mais en Suisse, seul le concept de « communauté linguistique » se réfère à l’échelon ethnolinguistique. Même si les émotions identitaires et le rapport au territoire dans le canton de Fribourg rappellent la situation québécoise, les conflits linguistiques sont réglés exclusivement au niveau cantonal. Pour qu’émerge un discours national « infra‐suisse », il faudrait que l’appartenance romande ou alémanique soit considérée comme particulièrement centrale. Or, notre enquête auprès de 962 conseillers communaux de cantons bilingues montre que l’affiliation linguistique est importante et modèle les comportements politiques, mais qu’elle ne concurrence pas l’identification cantonale (particulièrement forte en Valais) ou l’identification suisse. Pour des raisons qui tiennent à l’histoire et à la géographie linguistique, la Suisse demeure une nation unitaire.     

隋唐时期汉黎女性权利之比较

隋唐时期的律条尤其是《唐律疏议》体现了中国传统法律文化的特征。在三从四德的宗法家族文化中,处于从属地位的汉族女性通过身份的变换取得了相应的法律权利;同时期,在黎族传统婚姻习惯法的作用下,黎族女性在婚姻家庭中的权利虽有所变化,但与汉族女性相比却拥有较多的自由的权利,且黎族女性一直是处于崇高并被人尊重的地位。汉黎女性权利虽有着很大的不同,但在促进社会和谐发展方面却殊途同归,都是通过女性让渡权利这条路径来实现,这也许正是社会和谐发展的必然规律。     

STATE CHILD EMOTIONAL ABUSE LAWS: THEIR FAILURE TO PROTECT CHILDREN WITH GENDER IDENTITY DISORDER

Emotional abuse of children with Gender Identity Disorder by parents is very difficult to identify and prevent. State investigators of abuse and neglect often have a hard time determining if the reasons for mental illness and psychological harm in children are due to the actions of their parents, or if they stem from other sources. Once identified, it becomes even harder to prove in court for purposes of ordering services or removing the child from the home if the abuse is severe enough. With children who are gender non‐conforming, this task becomes exponentially more difficult due to the low prevalence rate, discrimination, stereotypes, and a parent's right to bring up their child as they choose. These youth face discrimination and violence in school, work, their communities, and also within their own families. Emotional abuse statutes are too vague to protect youth who are gender non‐conforming. The vague and unclear laws lead to inconsistency in the application of the law and lack of protection of the children because judges and investigators are not aware of how parent's actions harms youth with gender identity disorder. Therefore, states should adopt the model statute within this Note which defines specific actions by parents which would not qualify as abuse when involving gender conforming youth but qualifies as abuse for children with gender identity disorder. Many states already have statutes which define physical abuse, sexual abuse and abandonment by specific actions by parents towards their children. This proposal will enable both the state and the judges to properly identify victims with gender identity disorder of emotional abuse and provide for their protection.     

民族认同与国家认同的整合模式研究

随着当今社会的快速发展,各个民族的利益诉求不断增加,民族问题不断涌现,导致认同危机的出现,这些严重损害了民族的团结,国家的安定.构建民族认同与国家认同的整合模式,是任何一个多民族国家发展所必须面对的一个重大可题.     

Citizenship values and asset accumulation: the case of Argentine migrants

Using diverse conceptualisations of citizenship, this article analyses the effect of the accumulation of civic and political assets on the transformation of citizenship values among Argentine migrants to Spain and returnees. Focusing on the transnational spaces, this article analyses important civic and political capabilities accumulated by a group of migrants and explores the impact of the assets accumulated in the transnational context. This research uses data drawn from 19 Argentine immigrants to Barcelona and 30 Argentine returnees from the cities of Madrid, Barcelona and Palma de Mallorca. Findings indicate that the migratory experience generated gains in the civic and political capabilities of this group of migrants and returnees and that living in Spain promoted the development of a more responsible, analytical and, in some cases, active citizenship. As holders of ‘multiple-perspectives’, interviewees were in a privileged position to critically analyse both the sending and receiving societies. Moreover, respondents implemented a number of practices acquired in the host society, in their home society, although this transfer generally remained at an individual level.     

Historical apologies as acts of symbolic inclusion – and exclusion? Reflections on institutional apologies as politics of cultural citizenship

Institutional apologies for historical injustices can be conceived as acts of symbolic inclusion directed to people whose collective experiences and memories of the past have not been recognized in the hegemonic narratives of the past. However, in this article it is argued that such apologies also have exclusionary potential as vehicles of symbolic politics of citizenship in that they may designate the apologizing community, so that it effectively excludes cultural ‘aliens’, like migrants, from the community of ‘remedial’ citizens. The article suggests a crucial point is the rhetoric shifts when one is appealing to both cultural and political solidarity, as when apologizing in the name of the state but simultaneously invoking ‘our’ nation and ‘our’ history. Thus, the increasing number of institutional historical apologies is not necessarily incompatible with the trend of reinforcing the symbolic boundaries around ‘our’ historical–cultural communities that has been visible recently, e.g. in the demands for cultural canons and citizenship tests in many Western societies.     

中国公众的政治疏离感及其影响因素

在西方政治学研究中,政治疏离感是一个长期得到重视的话题,西方学者普遍认为政治疏离感会影响政治的稳定性,从而过分强调了其反政治性。然而,在非西方社会尤其是中国,分析政治疏离感形成模式上的多样性和其文化基础却是需要研究的重点。笔者基于北京大学中国国情研究中心"2008年中国公民意识调查"的数据进行了定量分析,发现中国公众的政治疏离感主要受到性别、教育、政治涉入、政府评价的影响。     

恩格斯思维与存在同一性观点辨析——兼与俞吾金教授商榷

思维与存在同一性问题是哲学基本问题的重要方面,我们认为,马克思恩格斯是在坚持唯物主义前提下,以承认思维与存在既有同质性又有异质性为基础的同一性,而不是俞吾金教授所说的,恩格斯是坚持黑格尔同质性基础上的思维与存在同一性。     

An ID card for the Internet – The new German ID card with “electronic proof of identity”

The personal ID card is a document carried by most Germans, but rarely used. This could change in the future: According to the new law on identification cards and electronic proof of identity (Gesetz über Personalausweise und den elektronischen Identitätsnachweis, PAuswG), the ID card, with its proof of identity, will gain a new functionality, making it applicable for diverse Internet transactions. Functionally, the electronic proof of identity corresponds to existing non-electronic personal proof of identity guidelines in legal and business connections. However, its concrete, technical application opens up many issues regarding contracts and data privacy laws. On both the legal and the technical level, the German approach departs from other European countries, as it strictly distinguishes the electronic proof of identity from the electronic signature function, which the new ID card also provides. It remains to be seen whether the various projects of the EU Member States will become legally and technically interoperable in the near future.     

身份证明与个人信息保护——我国居民身份证法律规制问题研究

信息社会人们之间的交往需要权威的身份证明,由公权力介入推行的身份证明制度满足了这种需要,并在社会生活中广泛应用.但是只有通过法律规制明确公民个人信息自决权,并设定政府不侵犯和保护个人信息的责任,才能真正发挥身份证证明身份的权威作用.我国日前身份证法律规制的弊端在于政府没有履行必要的个人信息保护职责,公民的个人信息主体地位缺失,导致了政府滥用职权和个人权益受到损害.所以必须以保护个人信息为核心完善我国的居民身份证法律规制制度.