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261.
This article studies the proliferation of discourses of rationality and responsibility among a particular elite social group in Lebanon and Turkey, as they remember student mobilization of their past. I offer these episodes of student mobilization as acts of citizenship that create and make use of rapturous moments in the histories of their countries and institutions. I extend these acts of citizenship to the contemporary context and study the ways in which they become part of discourses of citizenship in unexpected ways. I propose that these narratives draw upon a set of local practices that reflect meanings of citizenship, originating from Western discourses of liberalism, albeit following a different route. In the narratives, violence and irrationality become the defining features of politicized behavior, whereas being civilized epitomizes good manners and rationality. Such boundary-drawing exercises contribute to making conceivable exclusionary social orders based on the idea of a hierarchical distribution of reason and social utility.  相似文献   
262.
263.
EDITORS LETTER     
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):437-438
Identity theft has become one of the most ubiquitous crimes in the USA with estimates of the number of households being victimized annually ranging between 5% and 25%, resulting in direct losses totaling hundreds of billions of dollars over the past few years. Government efforts to combat identity theft have included legislation criminalizing and increasing penalties as well as regulatory efforts designed to protect individual identifying information held by financial and other business organizations. At the same time, individuals are taking their own preventive actions and purchasing private protection such as credit monitoring and identity theft insurance services. We use data from a large sample of residents from four states (Illinois, Louisiana, Pennsylvania, and Washington) in order to assess the public's willingness to pay (WTP) for a government program designed to reduce identify theft under two separate conditions, one promising a 25% reduction in identity theft and the other promising a 75% reduction in identity theft. Results indicate that: (1) between 40% and 66% of the public is willing to pay an additional tax for identity theft prevention, more so when the promise of a reduction is highest (75% compared to 25%) with an average WTP of $87, and (2) WTP is highest among individuals who carry many credit cards, who subscribe to an identity theft protection service, and who take active steps in preventing fraud by shredding bills and paying with cash, but is lowest among individuals who believe that taxes are too high. Converted into a “per crime” cost and combined with the portion of identity theft costs that are borne directly by business, we estimate the average cost per identity theft to range from approximately $2,800 to $5,100.  相似文献   
264.
本文在"身体—文化象征身份—民族国家"的框架下论述了微观权力机制下礼仪小姐的公共性别身份的建构。一方面,礼仪小姐在与民族国家的互动中实现了身体资本的理性运作,这体现在对身体的自我评估和对男性他者评定的认同上,但在公共父权制下,身体的主体性淹没在力图使之客体化的微观权力的技术策略中;另一方面,公共父权的凝视和民族国家的责任话语借助礼仪小姐的自我规训而建构起她们作为民族国家文化象征的性别身份。  相似文献   
265.
在无身份者利用有身份者或者有身份者利用无身份者以及此身份者利用彼身份者去实现犯罪的场合,既涉及身份犯问题又涉及间接正犯的问题,应当兼顾共犯与身份以及间接正犯的基本原理,对其各种具体情形进行妥当的认定和处理。  相似文献   
266.
市场化改革的深入,一方面激发了社会的活力,实现了经济的快速发展;另一方面积累了社会矛盾,群体性事件频频发生。面对现实的挑战,如何预防群体性事件的发生是急需研究的重大现实课题。本文从社会认同的角度对群体性事件发生的原因进行了分析,进而探讨了化解群众认同危机,预防群体性事件的路径。  相似文献   
267.
在国外,隐匿身份侦查存在不同的解释和特征.在内容上,隐匿身份侦查包括隐匿身份侦查的程序控制(含启动控制、实施控制和监控机制)以及隐匿身份侦查所获证据的运用.在我国,新刑事诉讼法虽然规定了隐匿身份侦查,但在某些方面仍然存在着不少缺陷,需要从实施主体、适用对象、适用原则、审批程序和监控机制等方面加以进一步修改和完善.  相似文献   
268.
查验居民身份证是警察法和居民身份证法赋予警察的一项法定权力,此权力的合法性以依法执行职务的特定警察,主观认定公民有违法犯罪嫌疑为事实和规范前提。如果将普通公民配合警察执法行为之举,视为经由查验而自证其清白,就是对所有公民的人格尊严的法定和事实性侵犯。因此,应将警察查验公民身份证件的权力,与认定公民有违法犯罪嫌疑的权力,在法理和法律上予以分开,将前者设定在公民有配合警察依法执行职务的法律义务中,后一项权力应以此义务为根基。  相似文献   
269.
社区矫正对象的社会疏离关乎个体发展和社会稳定,是推进平安中国建设的重 要内容。基于2019年S市社区矫正对象的调查数据,从身份认同整合和社会支持视角,探究歧视知觉对社区矫正对象社会疏离的影响机制。研究发现,歧视知觉对社区矫正对象的社会疏离既存在直接影响,也通过身份认同整合和社会支持两个中介变量产生间接影响。身份认同整合和社会支持在歧视知觉与社会疏离之间起到自我转化和外在保护的作用。因此,在外在歧视无法完全消除之下,为了缓解社区矫正对象的社会疏离,应注重提升个体的自我身份认同整合,增强社区矫正对象的有益支持,从而促进其顺利回归社会。  相似文献   
270.
Since 1991, the absence of the concept of a Ukrainian nation and national identity has led to a controversial, often ambivalent process of identity formation. The aim of this paper is to analyze and map the widely shared concepts about national identity that exist in Ukrainian society after 20 years of independence. Analysis of 43 interviews with Ukrainian political and intellectual elites reveals five different shared narratives: (1) dual identity; (2) being pro-Soviet; (3) a fight for Ukrainian identity; (4) a recognition of Ukrainian identity; and (5) a multicultural-civic concept. Each narrative is characterized by three main features: a coherent structure with strong internal logic and justification of its legitimacy; connection to a specific conception of power and morality; and an opposition to other narratives. All these features lead to the perception of society as a zero-sum game where one narrative must prevail over all others. At the same time, all these features ensure that there can be neither an overwhelming victory of one narrative over others nor a satisfying compromise between them. The results shed light on the complex process of narrative construction of identity and power in newly independent states.  相似文献   
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