两岸社会统合趋势下台湾民众政治认同问题的思考

随着两岸关系步入和平发展轨道,两岸社会统合的发展趋势逐渐明朗。然而,在此过程中台湾民众政治认同走向却呈现复杂的变化。考察台湾民众政治认同的转变,可以从更大的范围入手。除了在政治层面透析台湾民众政治认同转变之外,也应在社会层面洞察影响台湾民众政治认同转变的社会心理背景。同时,透过政治的、历史的、文化的、社会的乃至心理的分析视角,全面把握台湾民众政治认同转变的多维脉络,从而寻找解决问题的可能路径。建设两岸命运共同体作为解决台湾民众政治认同问题的必由之路,除了在政治层面着手之外,也应从社会心理的发生机制出发,通过调动社会、文化、历史层面的各种积极要素的全方位支持,达到预期目标。     

论民族文化对少数民族大学生政治认同的影响

少数民族大学生的政治认同是指少数民族大学生对现存政治体系及其价值系统表示认可、接纳的一种情感倾向和心理归属.各民族都有其独特的民族文化,由于民族及民族文化与现存政治体系及其价值系统的彼此相对独立性,民族文化对少数民族大学生政治认同生成有着重要影响,其影响主要体现在民族学生在政治认知、政治情感、政治信念和政治行为等方面.     

Race Equality after Enoch Powell

Enoch Powell's infamous speech casts a long shadow over race equality in the UK. Looking back to the 1968 Race Relations Bill and then forwards to the present social and political landscape this article explores how an uneven race equality story has been characteristic of the UK approach since Powell's intervention. If the intended objective of the initial and later race equality bills was to reduce ethnic and racial disparities to a marginal or ‘negligible’ level, then we are a great distance from success. If the objective was slightly different, but not unrelated, and sought to reshape public conventions on racism (and ethnic and racial diversity more broadly), then the answer is more complicated but also unfinished.     

迈向性别正义的社会契约:夫妻财产契约——从契约的身份及其缔约能力说起

契约作为男女两性关系调节的一种模式,体现了性别正义的两性平等观.夫妻财产契约力求在自愿、平等、互利的基础上解决两性在婚前、婚后甚至婚姻解除时的财产权利义务,尊重了两性间的人格尊严,体现了性别关怀的旨要.通过对财产契约的身份、缔约能力的考察,以期实现契约正义从形式正义向实质正义转变,从而达到两性间的实质正义.     

我国古代社会提升政治合法性的路径探讨

政治合法性对于政治体系具有极为重要的价值。历史和现实证明,任何一种政治权威,其要想拥有长久的政治生命,就必须解决政治合法性问题,我国古代的历代封建帝王也深知此种奥妙。为了强化人们对其政治统治的认同,他们借助学校、家庭、地方官吏宣传自己的政治意识形态,完善机制,提升官僚的道德品质,采取措施,促进社会各方面的发展。     

民族问题的核心是国家认同问题

民族问题的核心是国家认同问题.多民族国家解决民族问题的核心任务是将国民对各自民族的忠诚转变为对国家的忠诚,在尊重多元的民族认同基础上建构国家认同.国家认同建没包括政治认同建设和文化认同建设.其中,文化认同建设是根本,稳固的文化认同可以消解政治认同危机时国家认同危机的程度."民族问题的核心是国家认同问题"的观点,要求我们解决民族问题的基本原则和制度安排必须及时同应国家一体化建构与民族文化多元发展的互动态势.     

Looking at Muslims: the visibility of Islam in contemporary French cinema

ABSTRACT

Tarr analyses the representation of Islam in five feature films made since 2006 that centre on the changing identities of Muslims in contemporary France. She locates the films within the context of the rise in Islamophobia in France following 9/11 and anxieties about immigration and terrorism, but also in relation to France's troubled postcolonial history and French republican ideology. In particular, the French notion of laïcité (secularism) has given rise to active hostility to any public expression of religious or cultural difference, particularly on the part of Muslims. Cinematic representations of Muslims, and particularly of the children of migrants from the Maghreb, have, therefore, since the mid-1980s, been treated with caution in order not to alienate mainstream Franco-French audiences and to facilitate the second generation's integration into French society. However, the five feature films addressed here—two mainstream popular comedies, Mauvaise foi/Bad Faith (2006) and L'Italien/The Italian (2010), and three independent, low budget, auteur-led, realist films, Dans la vie/Two Ladies (2008), Dernier maquis (2008) and La Désintégration/Disintegration (2012)—offer new narratives that challenge fears of Islam by foregrounding the protagonists' negotiation of their Muslim identities in a French context and, by implication, argue for the integration of Islam as a legitimate referent of French identity. However, their construction of Islam does not extend to positive representations of young veiled women, and they thus still risk confirming the oppressive majority view that certain practices associated with Islam, such as the wearing of the veil, are incompatible with the secularism of the French Republic.     

“部落问题”:日本边缘社会的文化困境

部落是被歧视部落的简称,是日本历史上被称为"秽多、非人"的人所聚集的村落。几百年来,由于身份制度,部落民挣扎在社会的最底层,在职业、婚姻等社会生活等各个方面都受到歧视。近代开端的明治维新虽然颁布了《解放令》,但是未能真正使部落民摆脱受歧视的处境。二战后,随着部落民自身解放运动的展开,日本政府也实施了一系列推动部落解放的措施,但部落歧视在人们的思想中依然存在。文章论述了部落的起源及其在各个时期的生存状态和为改变自身命运进行的不懈斗争,并重点剖析了日本部落问题在近现代依然存在的深层的历史文化原因。     

Addressing contradictory needs: the Lega Nord and Italian immigration policy

ABSTRACT

Cento Bull addresses the question of whether the Italian Lega Nord, when in government, pursues policies that contradict its rhetoric (politics of simulation or symbolic politics) or policies that are in line with its dominant discourse (politics of identity). Her analysis focuses on immigration policy because this is an area that links together economic issues (immigration is highly functional to the economy of those regions of Italy that form the Lega's strongholds) and identity issues (immigration is seen as visibly threatening cultural values and disrupting community cohesion). She argues that recent legislation in this area, approved in July 2009, is formally in line with Lega rhetoric but also that actual policy outcomes contradict both the party's rhetoric and the legislation itself. This confirms the validity of the concept of ‘simulative politics’ in so far as it refers to a societal practice of self-deception, rather than simply to practices of deception on the part of political actors.