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141.
李航 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2008,23(1):87-89
英美等西方资本主义国家的宪政实践为各国效仿,中国亦开始建设社会主义法治国家。如何看待西方宪政制度,如何认识中国自己的政治,又如何看待法治与宪政的关系,是中国建设社会主义法治国家走向宪政道路时,必须认识的一些基本问题。 相似文献
142.
《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2014,42(2):130-145
This article explores the primary determinants of internal judicial independence in three Latin American countries. Considering the relative absence of research focused on this dimension of judicial life, this article is innovative in demonstrating how it is affected by two variables: the quality of judges' training and respect for their judicial careers as criteria for promotions or transfers. While these variables explain why some countries enjoy greater internal judicial independence than others, this article also shows – contrary to popular wisdom – that judicial activism does not have a strong influence on internal judicial independence. Conducting a comparison of the courts in Chile, Peru, and Ecuador using surveys and semi-structured interviews, this study also shows that judges' autonomy from politicians does not necessarily follow the same path as the lower-court judges' independence from their hierarchical superiors. 相似文献
143.
我国矿业立法的困境逼迫着我们寻找一条新路以探求矿业立法所应当遵循的立法模式。引入系统哲学理论作为统筹,以系统哲学理论为基点阐发一部具有整体性或是融贯性的法律所应当具备的开放性和独立性。此外,基于实践活动的客观现实性,分别探讨了开放性和独立性所应当立足的法学理论的客观规律和矿业发展的客观规律。并以此为我国矿业立法模式的构建提供一种路径选择。文章试图从一个较为宏观的角度审视立法模式应当具备的样态。不奢望这一理想中的立法模式能成为现实,只愿我国未来的矿业立法在朝着这一模式前进的道路上能有所进步。 相似文献
144.
John MacDonald 《European Security》2014,23(3):326-343
This article examines the implications of Scottish independence for the UK's nuclear posture. It is argued here that a vote for independence will critically undermine this posture. Since the UK nuclear force operates entirely out of Scotland, and since the Scottish government continues to assert its intention to see nuclear weapons removed from an independent Scotland, it is overwhelmingly likely that a ‘Yes’ vote will prompt a demand for the drawdown of the UK nuclear force in Scotland. If it wished to maintain its nuclear capability, the UK government would then have to make alternative basing arrangements. It is argued here that a host of legal, financial and political difficulties may preclude any such relocation and that Downing Street may ultimately be left with little option but to surrender the UK's nuclear capability. This article concludes that far from weakening the UK, a surrendering of its nuclear posture would result in a stronger and more functional UK military footprint and would bolster the UK's standing in the international arena. 相似文献
145.
牛旭 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2013,(4):25-31
我国传统民事纠纷的处理,采与西方两当事人公平对抗不同的“三当事人主义”,纠纷解决的形态呈千变万化的脸庞。而背后支撑它的理念则是,审判不仅仅是为解决纠纷而存在,更是推行人伦教化的根据地,审判官更俨然以“父母官”自居,打着为民做主的旗号,包办了纠纷的解决。这里见不到当事人为私权自治而奋斗的主体性,一切系于法官一念之间。在现代社会价值多元的情况下,个体主体性越来越得以彰显,“三当事人主义”下的德治理念已如昨日黄花,需要改弦更张。因此,从德治迈向法治,倡导司法独立方符现代法治理念。 相似文献
146.
李志增 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(6):82-88
审判委员会制度是中国内地特有的司法制度,也是备受争议的法律制度。从该制度实施亲历者的角度,选取了近三年来五个基层法院审判委员会研究案件的情况,采取实证的研究方法,从审委会与司法独立、司法责任、司法公正之间的关系等方面入手进行分析研究,对备受争议的专业化冲突、判而不审、不公开透明、组织行政化等问题深度分析论证,在正视该制度不足的同时,肯定审委会制度在解决疑难问题、防止错漏偏差、维护司法公正等方面发挥的积极作用。在现有法官队伍状况下,审判委员会制度有保留的必要。 相似文献
147.
随着互联网的迅速普及,人人都是麦克风、人人都是记者、人人都是新闻传播者的自媒体时代已经到来.作为行使法律监督职能的检察机关,无可争议地成为网络舆情关注相对集中的部位.如何研判与应对涉检网络舆情,并建立涉检网络舆情处置机制,也就成为了新形势考量各级检察机关领导人政治智慧和司法能力的重要标准. 相似文献
148.
The article explores recent debates about citizenship and social provision in France. It examines the essential concepts comparable to ‘social citizenship’, as understood in British debates, and the role that they have played in the development of the French welfare state. Its conclusions are threefold. First, social provision in France is founded on the principle of solidarité, which holds that all citizens face a series of social risks (unemployment and illness) that make them dependent on one another. Second, as the traditional insurance principle (the core of the French welfare state) is founded on socio‐economic conditions (concerning the nature of social interdependence and social risk) that no longer exist, the emergence of these social ills has led to not one but three crises of citizenship: a crisis of coverage, of legitimacy and of participation. Third, while it is too early to draw definitive conclusions, recent policy reforms suggest that the difficulties faced by French welfare are encouraging moves towards the British model of tax‐based (rather than insurance‐based) financing of social provision. 相似文献
149.
The study analyzed whether the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the establishment of succeeding mono-national states was the expression of “longing” of mass proportions on the part of the nationalities within respective federal units. Using the data from two pan-Yugoslav surveys from the period preceding the dissolution, results were obtained that indicated a very limited support for this hypothesis. More specifically, results indicated that support for emancipation was rather weak, among youth in 1986 and even among the adult population in 1990, although some significant mean differences between the federal units and between major nationalities within them were evident. Specifically, opinions favoring independence were detected among Kosovo Albanians and later among Slovenians in Slovenia. In addition, findings also indicated that those with higher socioeconomic status were not more inclined toward independence. Results thus pointed more towards the idea that the dissolution was indeed instigated by a small group of “political entrepreneurs” not captured by the survey data. 相似文献
150.
Janine Natalya Clark 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(3):526-547
Until 1999, Kosovo was a little-known province of Serbia. NATO's intervention, however, changed this. Suddenly, everyone was talking about Kosovo and the plight of the Kosovo Albanians. Today, Kosovo is no longer a major talking point; few authors are now writing about post-independence Kosovo and the many challenges that confront the young state. Particularly striking is the relative absence of scholarly writings that discuss the Gordian knot of northern Kosovo. Seeking to rectify this neglect, this article has three core aims: to provide new empirical insights into the situation on the ground in northern Kosovo, to explore Serb and Albanian viewpoints regarding the status of the north (and in particular to examine Serb fears and concerns) and to discuss possible solutions. It argues that granting the north a special, autonomous status within Kosovo is the ultimate way to resolve the “northern problem,” and indeed this now seems the most likely solution following the recent conclusion of the First Agreement on Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations. This research is based on five weeks of fieldwork in Kosovo in July and August 2012. During this time, the author conducted 56 semi-structured interviews, 29 of which took place in northern Kosovo. 相似文献