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21.
追求判决一致是冲突法的古典抱负,传统反致之创设即服务于此一功效。拉塞尔开创双重反致先例之时并未释明其动机与理由。两种正相反对的解释路向彼此既不能证伪复又和谐兼容于双重反致,这表明应从第三维度即回归冲突法寻求判决一致之古典使命来解读其伦理取向。双重反致的生命力在于其能够为只能实现判决相对一致的传统反致所不能担保的判决绝对一致之目标提供绝对保证,精确致达冲突法之意向。判决一致本身不体现伦理深度,其实现方式才体现伦理深度。传统反致的相对性在于他律,双重反致的绝对性则得益于自律。立足于自律之上的双重反致移情换位于外国法院之立场,散发出为他人的伦理暗香。为他人的脆弱性及其可能走向的为难他人的背反结局使其危机再现。对我意识的终极溯源揭示了他人就是上帝的本体论结构,逃脱上帝的不可能性是对为他人伦理及作为其技术表达的双重反致之伦理困境及伦理密码的辩证破解。 相似文献
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23.
德国国际私法认为,识别源于对冲突规范所使用之“体系概念”的解释,发生识别冲突的原因在于内、外国实体法存在体系差异,内国实体法体系中存在漏洞,内国实体法和国际私法之间存在体系差异。在识别冲突的解决上,存在法院地说、准据法说和独立识别说等三种主要理论。在德国国际私法的司法实践中,法院地说占据主导地位,但法院在一定程度上也采纳独立识别说,作为法院地说的必要补充。采用独立识别说时,法院一方面要对冲突规范中的体系概念进行广义解释,突破其在内国法律体系中的内涵范围,兼容外国法的相关制度;另一方面要从法律体系、文化背景等方面对外国法制度进行比较法分析,以确定其功能和目的。如果能够确认该外国制度和内国某一体系概念在目的和功能上具有对应性,就可以将该外国制度纳入该概念,从而拓展冲突规范的适用范围,否则就必须发展新的冲突规范加以应对。 相似文献
24.
和谐社会不仅是人与人之间、人与社会之间在经济、政治、文化等各个领域的和谐,也是人和自然的和谐,在市场经济体制下以法治为基本方策来构建和谐社会应是最佳选择.应以和谐社会的内涵与特征解读为逻辑起点,从现存法律制度中存在的主要弊端入手,对现存法律问题进行具体分析,进而为构建和谐社会的法律保障提供基本的路径选择. 相似文献
25.
杜三军 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2007,16(4):45-47
胁从犯是我国刑法共同犯罪人分类中的一种独特类型。我国刑法按照行为人在共同犯罪中的作用大小将共同犯罪人分为主犯、从犯、胁从犯。无论是从保护人权的角度考虑,还是从立法科学性的视角考量,都应当取消胁从犯的概念,对因受胁迫而实施了危害社会的行为的主体不作罪犯处理。 相似文献
26.
Raymond Cohen 《国际研究展望》2001,2(2):151-160
As long as one lives within the confines of a single culture it is difficult to achieve cross-cultural awareness. Multiculturalism is often simply the tolerance of a dominant culture for minority cultures. Cross-cultural awareness is a state of mind in which one is alert to alternity , the existence of others possessing different and equally valid world views and ways of life. This can be acquired living within or alongside other cultures, when one's own and others' strangeness become readily apparent. Culture shock involves just such a realization. The challenge for the teacher of international relations is to convey the possibility of alternity to students in the classroom. After all, international relations is above all about the interaction between communities possessing separate identities and autonomous wills. The article discusses ways of cultivating cross-cultural awareness, comparing the difficulties of doing so in a society under siege—Israel—with the greater scope available in the cosmopolitan setting of an elite American university. 相似文献
27.
Michele Mioni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):277-297
The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s. 相似文献
28.
The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy. 相似文献
29.
In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) have emerged as a significant security challenge. Since the 1980s and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan the notion of a ‘foreign fighter’ has been closely linked, if not synonymous, with those ideologically or religiously motivated individuals who have travelled to join conflicts in Islamic lands. This article will explore the contemporary FTF movement, offering a comparison of Afghanistan in the 1980s and Syria in the contemporary period. It will explore the international community’s expansive responses to the challenge of FTFs, with special focus on the role of the United Nations. 相似文献
30.
Nesrine Badawi 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(11):1990-2009
AbstractThis paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. In doing so, the paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for ‘critical comparativism’ rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the ‘objective’ benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, ‘critical comparativism’ treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system. 相似文献