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271.
Michele Mioni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):277-297
The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s. 相似文献
272.
新形势下各种社会利益关系和人民内部矛盾问题探讨 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中共泰安市委党校课题组 《广东行政学院学报》2005,17(5):27-34
我国当前的社会利益关系呈现出来源多样化、主体多元化、差距扩大化、群体弱势化、冲突激烈化等一系列变化。对于新形势下的社会利益关系和人民内部矛盾,既要高度重视,又要正确估价,把握特点。坚持以人为本,区别对待,创新工作机制,协调利益关系,推进第一要务,是正确处理当前各种利益关系和人民内部矛盾的基本原则和思路。 相似文献
273.
Ross Harvey 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(3):413-420
This study addresses compliance and business practices at the local level subsequent to the international adoption of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme by states and the adoption of the voluntary System of Warranties by the diamond industry. This paper also explores the distance between norm creation, norm sustainability and norm expansion. Interests of various stakeholders led to the creation of international norms, and evidence supports widespread compliance at the state level. Data gathered at the local level of retailer suggests, however, that the regulatory system is not leading to the education of consumers that potentially transforms beliefs. Central to understanding the challenge of deepening and broadening new global norms is exploring the distance between compliance within the regulatory regime and the awareness or change of beliefs of stakeholders. Recommendations include steps to make the process of bringing diamonds to market transparent and available to public scrutiny. 相似文献
274.
Indirect rule is one of the means that central authorities have long employed in hopes of defusing communal conflict and civil war in multicultural societies. Yet very little is known about the appeal of indirect rule among the ruled themselves. Why do people in some places demand more indirect rule and local autonomy, whereas others seem content to be governed directly by rulers of an alien culture? This is a crucial question with important implications for determining the form of governance that is most likely to provide social order in culturally heterogeneous societies. Although much attention has been given to consider the relative costs and benefits of direct versus indirect rule for the central authorities, the other side of the coin – namely, the variable demand for indirect rule among the members of distinctive cultural groups – has hardly been examined with systematic empirical data. This paper presents a theory of the differential demand for indirect rule and offers an initial test of its principal empirical implications using original micro-level data from the North Caucasus region of Russia. The theory's core claim is that the middle class should express the greatest demand for indirect rule, while both the upper and lower classes should prefer more direct rule. The theory therefore predicts that there will be an inverse parabolic relationship between the demand for indirect rule and economic class. The findings are largely consistent with these theoretical expectations. 相似文献
275.
Gordon D. Cumming 《圆桌》2015,104(4):473-488
AbstractInternational organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles. 相似文献
276.
Niamh Gaynor 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(3):391-410
The protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has drawn sharp criticism regarding the model of liberal peacebuilding employed in the country. Critics emphasise the importance of local ownership of peacebuilding mechanisms at sub-national as well as national levels. This raises questions in relation to the popular legitimacy and efficacy of local mechanisms. Drawing on field research conducted in the relatively affluent province of Bas-Congo in Western Congo, this article highlights a lack of popular legitimacy for provincial-level political authority within the province stemming from an acute marginalisation of the population from local structures of power and wealth. The article also demonstrates the inefficacy of more local, village and neighbourhood-based political structures which, aimed at conflict mitigation rather than transformation, ignore the structural roots of local conflicts and do little to counteract the growing social distrust, conflict and disintegration within local communities. 相似文献
277.
Ngeta Kabiri 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2014,52(4):513-534
This paper challenges the relevance of ethnic diversity in explaining the development impasse in Africa, using Kenya as a case study and arguing that the neopatrimonial and ethnic diversity theses are contradictory as explanatory variables of Africa's development crisis. The former speaks to homogeneity while the latter implies heterogeneity in the public policy process. This paper singles out the ethnic diversity thesis as the weaker of the two, arguing that ethnic groups lack a collective ethnic agenda that can be flagged as consequential for the political economy of the polity. Ethnic group intervention in the political arena is not determined by innate ethnic characteristics: it is due to the tendency for certain actors in the body politic to exploit institutional failure. With proper institutions, the assumed burden of ethnicity in African development would naturally evaporate. Focusing on supposedly ethnic problems is the wrong target. 相似文献
278.
被告人与律师之间的辩护冲突及其解决机制 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
被告人与其辩护律师之间的辩护冲突是我国辩护实践中的一个突出问题,这一问题无论在理论上还是在实践中都没有得到很好的解决。域外处理辩护冲突有两种模式:一种是以美国为代表的“当事人主导辩护”模式,另一种是大陆法系国家的“律师独立辩护”模式,两种模式分别有其形成的内在机理和运行逻辑,且各有利弊。我国辩护冲突的解决应当借鉴“律师独立辩护”模式之所长,实现从“绝对独立”向“相对独立”的转型,并通过“辩护协商”的工作机制预防和化解辩护冲突。 相似文献
279.
罗怀玉 《天水行政学院学报》2004,(1):61-64
天水地名由何而来,众说纷纭,其思路大都在"水"字上绕圈子。"天水"一词,源于《周易》讼卦,即"天水讼"。其卦辞曰:"天与水违行,讼。"为争端之意。用作地名,其意为兵家必争之地。天水得名,是汉武帝为纪念天水之地在开启丝绸之路和对于匈奴的战争中所处的战略地位而于元鼎三年(公元前114年)所置。 相似文献
280.
当前青年面临的压力及其应对方式 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
当前中国青年面临的压力主要有 :价值冲突压力、选择压力、就业和工作压力、学业压力等、婚恋压力以及人际关系压力等。在各种压力下 ,青年人的身心健康状况受到了不同程度的影响。青年人应采取适当的应对方式来平衡自己的心态 ,以应付所面临的各种压力 相似文献