全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1145篇 |
免费 | 28篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 37篇 |
工人农民 | 38篇 |
世界政治 | 27篇 |
外交国际关系 | 43篇 |
法律 | 234篇 |
中国共产党 | 33篇 |
中国政治 | 201篇 |
政治理论 | 116篇 |
综合类 | 444篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 17篇 |
2016年 | 18篇 |
2015年 | 21篇 |
2014年 | 42篇 |
2013年 | 97篇 |
2012年 | 73篇 |
2011年 | 71篇 |
2010年 | 67篇 |
2009年 | 83篇 |
2008年 | 74篇 |
2007年 | 79篇 |
2006年 | 107篇 |
2005年 | 84篇 |
2004年 | 77篇 |
2003年 | 70篇 |
2002年 | 67篇 |
2001年 | 41篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1173条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
171.
GAO Yangguang 《Frontiers of Law in China》2018,13(1):137
Tragic consciousness, which originated in childhood, is complex compassion based on strong self-consciousness. After being moralized, tragic consciousness presents the dichotomy of good and evil, which has not only profoundly affected the formation of natural language, but also cradled the theory of natural law and religious spirit. Modern jurisprudence attempts to get rid of the shackles of classics and Christian humanism, to shape the autonomous and self-consistent image of law with the de lege lata as center. However, it is difficult for modern jurisprudence to surpass the natural language which rooted in tragic consciousness, and impossible to neglect or deny the independent value of the human. The inherent conflict within the rule of law makes ironically a tragedy, especially in the context of contemporary China. 相似文献
172.
J. S. McDonald Gerald A. Merwin Keith A. Merwin Regina K. Morris Edris L. Brannen 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(13):837-842
This article examines the response of U.S. county government websites to language diversity among county residents. Employing a survey of county websites and U.S. Census data, our findings reflect a general lack of Spanish language accessibility. The study finds that population size and proportion of Spanish-speaking population do not positively impact county website Spanish language accessibility. Border states from California to Florida outperform northern states. There are, however, notable exceptions to the generally negative findings of the study, especially with regard to identification of best practices and other opportunities that support efforts to become more language-inclusive. 相似文献
173.
随着生产力的发展和全球信息化、网络化的发展,世界经济中心已向服务业倾斜,服务贸易的发展水平已经成为一个国家综合国力和影响力的体现.服务贸易将成为WTO新一轮谈判以及区域性经济合作谈判的主要议题,鉴于此,我们有必要探究国际服务贸易的法律渊源、内涵及对我国的利与弊.只有全面了解国际服务贸易的属性,才能逐步完善我国的服务贸易立法,才能在未来世界经济中打适中国服务品牌,传播中国文化,发展对外经济,充分迎接TPP的挑战. 相似文献
174.
175.
《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(1-2):91-118
Abstract Over the years, reformers have tried to address the many challenges facing the American court system. However, there are still areas that not only need improving but also need immediate attention. In particular, equal access to the law is being denied to non-English speaking Latinos/as in our nation's courts due to poor (or lack of) interpretation. Given the fact that Latinos/as are now the nation's largest minority group, this matter is of utmost importance. The goal of this paper is to explore the matter in depth in Wisconsin, and to propose remedies to the existing shortcomings of court interpretation. 相似文献
176.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):169-173
AbstractThere has always been a tension between a critique of ‘real existing conditions’ and meta-theoretical paradigms through which the tasks of critique can both be anchored and images of humankind explored. 相似文献
177.
张二军 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(1):114-120
牵连犯作为一种罪数形态,在刑法理论中具有重要地位。刑法理论中对牵连犯的判断是以牵连关系为标准,牵连关系在理论上不仅存在两种基本形式,而且也存在多种观点分歧。事实上,牵连关系与犯罪构成要件之间联系密切。当数行为之间的牵连关系属于同一犯罪构成要件之间的牵连时,应认定为一罪,应按从一从重的处断原则处罚;反之,如果数行为属于数个不同犯罪构成要件之间的牵连,则构成数罪,应实行并罚。 相似文献
178.
Aaron S. Klieman 《政治交往》2013,30(1):43-78
For all of their centralized power and undisputed authority, even crisis leaders are susceptible to breakdowns in political communication. This is particularly significant when martial rule or a state of emergency—most effective when of short duration— becomes open‐ended; the sense of urgency no longer prevails. In the initial stage of proclaiming a constitutional emergency it is perhaps easiest to create an atmosphere of crisis and to promote a collective sense of danger. A climate of national fear and insecurity, in turn, enables the constitutional dictator to mobilize broad support even for draconian measures imposed at the expense of individual freedoms. With the prolongation of the emergency, however, and the institutionalization of crisis government, certain immunities to authoritarianism do begin to surface. As suggested by periods of prolonged emergency rule in India and South Korea, the leader becomes remote and isolated; he or she no longer feels quite so compelled to communicate; domestic opposition increases. The experience of President Marcos and the Philippines since 1972 illustrates some of the political dynamics of the modern, permanent “emergency state.” What has happened to the New Society program of reforms should help in understanding the critical link of communication between leaders and their followers under conditions of either real or manipulative domestic political stress. 相似文献
179.
Nigel Thrift 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):582-604
This paper is an attempt to describe the nature of a new calculative background that is currently coming into existence, a background that will both guide and constitute what counts as ‘thinking’. It begins by providing a capsule history of how this background has become a more and more pervasive quality of Euro-American cultures as a result of the rise of ‘qualculation’. It then moves on to consider how this qualculative background is producing new apprehensions of space and time before ending by considering how new kinds of sensorium may now be becoming possible. In this final section, I illustrate my argument by considering the changing presence of the hand, co-ordinate systems and language, thereby attempting to conjure up the lineaments of a new kind of movement-space. 相似文献
180.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):270-282
ABSTRACT Malawi's Vision 2020 document, a national document that serves as a vehicle to project a future for a more developed, secure and democratically mature nation, laments the tendency of Malawians to denigrade local products and glorify all things foreign. Yet, paradoxically, the document does not address the important issue of promoting Malawi's indigenous languages. This silence can be interpreted as reflective of the population's inclination to ascribe greater value to foreign culture. In Malawi, as in many other African countries, indigenous languages are not considered worthy as media of education, subjects of advanced study or critical vehicles for national development. They are still victim to a discrimination rooted in Africa's 500 plus years of European enslavement and colonisation. Against the backdrop of the pursuit of an African Renaissance, this article looks at Malawi's language policies since independence in 1964, and at how, ten years short of an idyllic national vision, Malawi measures up on the important issue of language. 相似文献