海洋话语与国际秩序转变

国际关系的演进表明,海洋话语转变是国际秩序转变的重要风向标。文章对海洋话语进行了概念分析,并将其细分成海洋硬话语与海洋软话语,明确其包涵因素和互动关系。战争、谈判、国际会议、条约及协定等是国家争取战略主导权、在国际权力格局中占据优势的重要手段,可作为海洋话语与国际秩序之间的互动机理。海洋话语与国际秩序转变主要经历了欧洲主导时期和美国主导时期,且美国主导时期延续至今。在“百年未有之大变局”时代,海洋世界多极化趋势显著,海陆联动明显,“泛海洋时代”到来;海洋话语的话语主体、结构设计、海缘范畴及议题领域等均在经历多维嬗变,国际海洋新秩序建构的可能性和必要性在不断提升。中国需把握好角色定位与策略选择,优化中国海洋战略,树立新海洋安全观,踏实构建海洋话语,在国际海洋新秩序的构建中发挥积极引领作用。     

创新发展基层工会工作

在市场经济的新形势下,工会工作必须主动适应新形势、新任务、新要求,在教育引导职工上有新作为,在维权机制建设上有新突破,在推进民主管理上有新发展,在深化"创争"活动上有新成效,在巩固建会成果上有新提高,努力把基层工会建设成为制度健全、维权到位、工作活跃、作用明显、职工信赖的职工之家.     

加强宁夏农村文化建设的几点思考

构建农村和谐社会,经济发展是根本,文化建设是关键。加强农村文化建设,既是当前农村、农业、农民实现持续健康科学发展的必然要求,也是构建农村和谐社会的有机组成部分。     

服务型乡镇政府的职能定位及构建

服务型乡镇政府是以公共利益为目标,以服务为行政理念,以法治为准则,以承担乡村公共责任为己任的新型政府。其职能可概括为提供公共产品,管理公共事务;培育农村市场,引导农民发展生产;完善社会管理,维护乡村社会稳定等三个方面。实现乡镇政府的职能转型需要从改革政府管理体制、创新政府管理方式、提高公务员素质等方面入手。     

60年党的建设新的伟大工程的历史沿革及理论创新

新中国成立60年,党的建设伟大工程也走过60个春秋。在此期间,党的建设新的伟大工程的提出、实施经过了两个时期、四个阶段,即党的建设伟大工程和党的建设新的伟大工程两个时期;四个阶段是：党的建设伟大工程的提出,党的建设新的伟大工程的酝酿、确立和创新发展阶段。党的十七大站在新的历史起点上,第一次提出了以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的新思想,不仅指明了党的建设的政治方向,而且为新的伟大工程的实施提供了前进动力。     

由建设社会主义新农村看"农民工"权益保障

党的十六届五中全会提出了建设社会主义新农村的重大历史任务,这不仅是解决"三农"问题的重大战略举措,而且是一项惠及广大农民的民心工程.作为从农民中剥离出来的农民工是城市化发展的必然结果也是建设社会主义新农村的必然要求,然而面对农民工的权利伤害对建设社会主义新农村构成了一个障碍,因此有必要采取相关对策以实现建设社会主义新农村的终极目的.     

加强新形势下流动人口管理不断深化"三基"工程建设

加强流动人口管理服务工作,是"三基"工程建设的一项重要内容,也是当前经济转轨、社会转型特殊历史时期提高社会治安管理能力的有效手段。面对新形势、新环境、新任务,摒弃旧观念,着力研究、探索和创新流动人口管理服务的新举措、新方法,是摆在各级公安机关面前一个既现实又重要的课题。     

Enabling collaborative synthesis in multi-partner programmes

Multi-partner consortia have emerged as an important modality for knowledge generation to address complex sustainability challenges. Establishing effective multi-partner consortia involves significant investment. This article shares lessons from the Collaborative Adaptation Research Initiative in Africa and Asia (CARIAA), which aims to support policy and practice for climate change adaptation through a consortium model. Key lessons include the need to facilitate collaborative spaces to build trust and identify common interests, while accepting that this is not a guarantee of success; the importance of programmatic leadership to achieve synthesis; and the value of strategic planning in supporting motivation and alignment between partners.     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.     

Facts,power and global evidence: a new empire of truth

Abstract

What are the epistemological and political contours of evidence today? This introduction to the special issue lays out key shifts in the contemporary politics of knowledge and describes the collective contribution of the six papers as an articulation of what we describe as a ‘new empiricism’, exploring how earlier historical appeals to evidence to defend political power and decision-making both chime with and differ from those of the contemporary era. We outline some emerging empirical frontiers in the study of instruments of calculation, from the evolution of the randomized controlled trial (RCT) to the growing importance of big data, and explore how these methodological transformations intersect with the alleged crisis of expertise in the ‘post-truth’ era. In so doing, we suggest that the ambiguity of evidence can be a powerful tool in itself, and we relate this ambiguity to the ideological commitment and moral fervour that is elicited through appeals to, and the performance of, evaluation.