新民主主义文化向社会主义文化转变的必然趋势

社会主义革命不但包括政治革命、经济革命,还包括文化革命。社会性质的变革必然导致文化性质的变革。新民主主义文化向社会主义文化转变是社会主义革命的题中应有之义。建立社会主义社会的目标必然要求建立社会主义文化。党领导的人民民主政权的建立为新民主主义文化向社会主义文化转变提供了基本的政治依托。新民主主义文化与社会主义文化的内在逻辑是前者向后者转变的动因。新民主主义文化是社会主义文化发展的必要准备,社会主义文化是新民主主义文化发展的必然趋势。     

Natural resource rents and elite bargains in Africa: Exploring avenues for future research

This article explores the recent debate over the quality of Africa's growth episode of the past decade, specifically insofar as it pertains to the pitfalls of commodity-dependent growth and the hypothesised ‘resource curse’. In addition, the article focuses on why political and economic institutions are important, and why they are indicators for the likely development impacts of Africa's evident mineral and hydrocarbon wealth. Third, it suggests a useful theoretical framework for understanding these indicators, especially with regard to the differing constraints under which foreign investors operate and interact with host countries. Developing on the latter points, the article looks at the nature of Chinese foreign investment in Africa's extractive industries. Finally, the article suggests an agenda for future research that could better inform development policy for the purpose of promoting high-quality growth in Africa.     

Leveraging South–South cooperation for Africa's development

Optimising the development opportunities presented by emerging powers' growing interest in trade, investment and diplomatic engagement in Africa seems a priority for the continent in the context of a changing global system in which power is more diffuse. Taking into account a reconceptualisation of aid effectiveness as development effectiveness, this paper focuses on the manner in which African states understand and approach new opportunities for cooperation with emerging powers, especially China, India and Brazil, including the crucial issue of whether they seek joint development initiatives with both traditional partners and emerging powers. The central argument is that South–South cooperation, which is value-neutral although rhetorically reflecting the principles of solidarity and mutual benefit, must be part of an effective strategy to draw emerging economies into the national or regional development objectives of African states and the continent at large.     

NEPAD and good governance

This paper is an analysis of South Africa's public service improvement strategies since 1994. It first describes the historical factors that underpinned South Africa's service delivery initiatives before 1994. It is argued that the pre-1994 public service sector was racialised and highly politicised, as opposed to being people-centred and service delivery oriented. The transition to democracy in 1994 necessitated a complete revision of South Africa's public administrative system in order to meet the developmental challenges of service delivery needs. However, this transition also coincided with global reform initiatives that were taking place in the public sector, as informed by the new public management (NPM) paradigm with its emphasis on cost effectiveness, accountability and transparency. The primary argument of the paper is that commendable legislative reforms have been enacted in South Africa's public administration system in the post-1994 period, based on the NPM, but the fragility of the state bureaucracy as manifested in the silo approach characterising the South African government operations, as well as capacity limitations, encumbers the success of these reforms. The Community Development Worker (CDW) programme, operating in South Africa's Eastern and Western Cape Provinces, is used as a case study to illustrate this argument. A brief look at India's experience of the NPM also informs the discussion. The significance of the case study lies in the fact that it was conceived in the interest of increased responsiveness and accessibility to government services, a vital pillar of the NPM framework.     

Governance and Hyper-corruption in Resource-rich African Countries

Official corruption is frequently associated with the abundance of valuable extractive resources. This article reviews the worst cases of ‘resource curse’ in Africa—Angola, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Nigeria—in light of the most recent developments. Despite its systematic association with public corruption, however, mineral wealth is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition. Corruption is widespread in resource-poor countries as well—in Africa and elsewhere—and some resource-rich African countries such as Botswana have a record of good economic performance and high public integrity, suggesting specific ways in which transparency and accountability for the use of mineral resources can be encouraged and corruption correspondingly reduced. Because corruption in resource-rich African countries is heavily influenced by external interests, particularly the multinational extractive industries, recent initiatives by the United States and the international community to foster transparency carry a significant potential for reducing corruption and improving governance.     

Meteoric trajectory: The Res Publica Party in Estonia

Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It failed to win a single seat in the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 per cent in opinion polls in 2005 when it dropped out of the cabinet. The founding chairperson of the party analyses here the causes for Res Publica's rapid rise and fall, reviewing the socio-political background and drawing comparisons with other new parties in Europe. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players. It might be characterized as a ‘purifying bridge party’ that filled an empty niche at centre right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party, each of three factors must be present to an appreciable degree: Prospect of success?=?Members?×?Money?×?Visibility. Res Publica had all three, but rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica faded or survived.     

Terrorism,war and the economy of scale: an interview with Ted Goodnight

Apart from the great debates on the definition of terrorism or its causes, the discussion about whether ‘new terrorism’ can really be considered new or not has become one of the central disagreements in terrorism research. This article will respond to the criticism voiced by some of the proponents of the ‘new terrorism’ idea and reflect on the merits of their arguments. It will emphasis the importance of words and the implication of small predicates such as ‘new’ for the construction of terrorism and our reaction to it.     

从代际更替的角度看潜在的新生代浙商培育

浙商转型与浙商的代际更替紧密联系,老一代浙商创业者将在今后的一二十年时间内完全退出历史舞台,文章提出接替他们的新浙商群体的主体部分不是“富二代”,而是崛起中的草根创业者。潜在的新生代浙商群体具有明显的“代特征”,即生活条件优越化,人力资本知识化,自我定位主流化。与老一代浙商相比,潜在的新生代浙商成长环境发生了巨大的变迁,在物质环境方面发生了从“山多地少”、“条件恶劣”到“衣食无忧”、“分层明显”的变化;知识环境方面发生了从“农民出身”、“艺工起家”到“读书学习”、“知识经济”的变化;群体意识环境方面发生了从“边缘生存”、“模仿创新”到“融入主流”、“网络时代”的变化。潜在的新生代浙商培育需要在变化的环境中因势利导。     

新时期青年农民工“文化反哺”现象初探

"文化反哺"即"逆向社会化",是一种自下而上的文化传承模式.当代青年农民工已初步具备"文化反哺"的能力,并有责任通过"文化反哺" 提高农村成人社会的现代社会适应能力.青年农民工"文化反哺" 在社会主义新农村建设中具有重要的社会价值.在肯定青年农民工"文化反哺"对农村社会进步的积极推动作用的同时,也要注意对其加以正确的引导.     

走向后官僚制时代：公务员价值取向的转变

官僚制度下形成了官僚制组织及其成员以理性为基础的价值取向,但是新公共管理运动的兴起,使官僚制组织及其理论受到了冲击,新的社会需求要求政府公务员树立新的价值取向。我国作为后发展中国家,在对官僚制组织体制进行反思和改革的过程中,应形成具有我国特色的公务员价值取向。