A Dive into Deep Constitutional Waters: Article 50, the Prerogative and Parliament

This article analyses the Article 50 TEU debate and the argument that for the UK Government to trigger the formal withdrawal process without explicit parliamentary authorisation would be unlawful, because it would inevitably result in the removal of rights enjoyed under EU law and the frustration of the purpose of the statutes giving those rights domestic effect. After a brief survey of Article 50, this article argues first of all that the power to trigger Article 50 remains within the prerogative, contesting Robert Craig's argument in this issue that it is now a statutory power. It then suggests a number of arguments as to why the frustration principle may be of only doubtful application in this case, and in doing so it re‐examines one of the key authorities prayed in aid of it ‐ the Fire Brigades Union case.     

对工会组织建设问题的思考

随着非公有制经济的迅猛发展 ,职工队伍结构发生了明显变化 ,工会组织工作出现了许多诸如工会会员流失、工会主席兼职、新建企业建会难等新情况和新问题。为此 ,必须从实际出发 ,努力研究和探索工会组织建设的新方法和新途径 ,切实加强工会组织建设。     

发扬党的优良传统 密切党群关系

密切联系群众是我们党的优良传统.在新的历史时期,更赋予其新的内涵,这是社会发展的需要.     

试论冷战后越南外交战略和外交政策的调整

20世纪 90年代 ,越南根据国内外形势的巨大变化 ,4次调整外交战略和外交政策 ,从原来的“单向”外交转向以“多样化、全方位”为基础的务实性外交 ,在外交领域取得了令人瞩目的成就 ,并为 2 1世纪越南外交的发展奠定了基础。     

COMMUNITY ACCOUNTABILITY,MINORITY THREAT,AND POLICE BRUTALITY: AN EXAMINATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS CRIMINAL COMPLAINTS*

A growing body of evidence shows that minorities are disproportionately the targets of police brutality, but important theoretical questions about the causes of that inequity remain unanswered. One promising line of research involves structural‐level analyses of the incidence of police brutality complaints; however, existing studies do not incorporate variables from alternative theoretical explanations. Drawing on the community accountability hypothesis and the threat hypothesis, we tested the predictions of two prominent structural‐level explanations of police brutality in a study of civil rights criminal complaints. The study included cities of 150,000+ population (n = 114). The findings reveal that two community accountability variables—ratio percent Hispanic citizens to percent Hispanic police officers and the presence of citizen review—were related positively to police brutality complaints, partially supporting that perspective. Two threat hypothesis measures of threatening people—percent black and percent Hispanic (in the Southwest)—were related positively to complaints, as predicted. The relative degree of support for the two hypotheses is assessed.     

基层法院庭长权责匹配冲突及耦合

司法责任制改革取消了庭长审批权,实现了权力下沉至一线法官的目的,但同时庭长却面临着不愿管、不善管的困境。其直接原因在于庭长权责匹配冲突,即权力小、责任大。具体表现为多重角色赋予其所承担的政治责任、基于法院目标管理带来的行政责任以及法官身份回归而需承担的法律责任,但并未赋予相应的权力。造成权责匹配冲突的根源在于在去行政化过程中对权力关系的简单化处理,导致法院外部压力型任务注入与内部平权式治理之间的矛盾;法院功能的超载化,扩充了法院管理的范围。权责冲突带来了负面效应,包括权力的非正式运作,不善管;逆向激励,痕迹化监督与策略性监督,不愿管。要改变这种状态需要从制度保障、动力机制、信息基础、关键因素四个方面入手。     

环境群体性事件集体行动生成及消解:对典型个案的扎根分析

环境群体性事件一直秉持污染侵害——群体施压的逻辑框架,但与之相关的研究进路却忽略了对群体事件参与者内部动员、组织、集结及消解过程的分析.本文通过对大连7·l6海洋溢油事故后引发的渔民群体维权事件进行扎根分析发现,群体行动诱因、权变因素、群体行动共识形成、村庄网络化动员、集体行动生成、内部组织消解的核心范畴对环境...     

最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的现状、困境与出路——兼对我国《立法法》第99条第1款解释

我国《立法法》预设了最高人民法院提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查的路径。从现有裁判文书来看,最高人民法院在实践中并未遵循我国《立法法》所预设的路径,而是在绝大多数案件中回避了合宪性审查诉求,同时又在个别案件中进行了合宪性审查,陷入了完全回避与直接审查的两难困境。造成这种困境的原因在于,我国《立法法》对最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础、权力行使程序缺乏清晰的规定。对此,亟待通过法律解释进行明确和细化,否则最高人民法院将无章可循,无法贸然提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查。为了化解最高人民法院面对的这一困境,有必要对我国《立法法》第99条第1款进行解释,推导出该条款在授予最高人民法院提请审查权时,还隐含着另一项未被释明的权力即预审权,其共同构成最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础;同时,为了使预审权与提请审查权的行使制度化,有必要对其行使程序进行细化,建立起预审-提请审查机制。     

英美国家企业刑事责任论的最新发展——以英国《2007年企业过失致人死亡罪法》为例

首先回顾英国{2007年企业过失致人死亡罪法》的出台过程与背景,分析该法的政策意义,并指出有效控制与处罚企业违法行为的政策目的是这一法案得以通过的重要原因。之后,在上述论断的基础上,介绍了英美国家企业刑事责任论近年的发展情况,并分析其中从个人到组织、从主观到客观的发展趋势。最后,提出在企业犯罪频发的现阶段,为了更好地发挥刑罚的预防功能,我国也需要对目前的单位刑事责任论进行反思。