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51.
    
This article analyses the role played by panel members in the Scottish Children's Hearings System. In particular, the article focuses on the ways in which panel members attempts to involve children in the decision‐making process by seeking their views. Section 46 of Part II of the Children (Scotland) Act 1995 comes in for particular attention in this regard as it empowers panel members to clear the room in order to speak privately with the child. Based on interviews with 40 panel members, the article considers the use of discretion in relation to confidentiality and the general level of confidence in current policy given that the section, as currently drafted, requires disclosure to excluded parties of the substance of what has been said in their absence. The authors outline various ways in which panel members negotiate the interpretation of ‘substance’ and reveal significant areas of discomfort relating to their current practice and examine the Scottish Executive's proposals for reform.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The government's current review of child representation suggests the administrative amalgamation of the court welfare and guardian ad litem services, and seeks consultation on the extension of children's rights under section 64 of the Family Law Act 1996. It also aims, overall, for ‘efficiency savings', the implication being that work is currently being done and roles performed unnecessarily. In the light of these questions, this article constructs the current systems for implementing children's rights in family proceedings, in both the public and private law contexts, to analyse the overall mechanisms by which the legal process ensures the child's potentially conflicting rights both to representation as an individual with personal views and also to welfare, which is an all-pervading but not necessarily easily discoverable end.

The interaction between personal rights to representation and the overall right to welfare has not been resolved at the level of theory or in practice and the project of children's rights risks abdication. Given that there is considerable overlap between the public and private law processes at the factual level, the forms of the process should be considered together to construct a system which functions overall; all the more so, as the government proposes to amalgamate the very different services which currently operate in each process. The search for the most satisfactory mechanisms requires clear statements of both the aims of the process and of the difficulties of practice, whether they be cultural resistance to legal rights within the private family or a lack of resources to implement ideals of justice for the family.  相似文献   
55.
重大事项议决权是地方人大常委会的一项法定职权.地方人大常委会的这一职权具有从属性、抽象性、综合性.行使重大事项议决权要坚持自主创制性和民主参与性,同时还要注意到实体和程序的结合性.地方人大常委套应就重大事项不议决与议决不当承担相应的法律责任或政治责任.地方人大常委会重大事项议决责任的问责主体有原选区选民和原选举单位两类;问责方式主要是罢免.  相似文献   
56.
当前我国正处于社会转型的关键时期,公安工作所面临的政治、经济、法律、文化等各方面的环境发生了深刻的变化.近年来,我国警察执法公信力之所以受到各方的关注,其原因不仅在于公安机关本身,还在于公安工作所面临的外部环境发生了变化,如行政权力干预、民生问题、公众的认知、新闻媒体的报道等都会对警察执法公信力产生影响.  相似文献   
57.
Although policymakers stress the importance of education in promoting peace, little research examines the ways that schools prepare students affected by conflict to participate in the restoration of peace in their political community. Post-conflict societies experience severe challenges in strengthening political processes and social cohesion. This paper discusses citizenship education at a school run by a non-governmental organization near Monrovia, Liberia, examining the implemented curriculum in an 8th grade civics classroom. The paper details the ways that young people expressed civic critiques within the classroom, and provides a counterstory to narratives of harsh and violent educational environments in the region. This classroom was a space where students and their teacher engaged in talk about contentious issues: students discussed corruption and injustice, and highlighted the relationship between economic and political power. I argue that if the goal of education is to produce engaged, effective citizens, teachers should have pedagogic support to confront the differences between the implemented curriculum and students’ lived experiences. Peace education in such contexts must include equipping students to seek justice. Furthermore, because possibilities for civic education are embedded in students’ local and national contexts, current global civic education initiatives must be adaptive to local realities.  相似文献   
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Peace education is considered a necessary element in establishing the social conditions required for promoting peace-making between rival parties. As such, it constitutes one of Israel’s state education goals, and would therefore be expected to have a significant place in Israel’s educational policy in general and in response to peace moves that have occurred during the Arab–Israeli conflict since the 1970s in particular. This article reviews the educational policy actually applied by Israel’s state education over the years as reflected in formal educational programs and school textbooks, and suggests that although some significant changes have taken place over time, there has been and still is a significant gap between the stated goal and the practice of peace education in Israel. Reasons for this disparity and its implications are discussed and possible directions are proposed for coping with this educational challenge.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The governing Centre and Conservative parties played the ‘economy’ card – we’ve got Finland ‘back into shape’; the green parties, the Greens and Left Alliance, played the ‘climate change’ card, demanding action to go with the talk; the Social Democrats played the ‘caring’ card and the need for a Finland that cares for the elderly, the low-paid and young persons; the Finns Party in contrast played the ‘no one likes us, we don’t care’ card, seeking to exploit its pariah status for electoral gain. The adoption of a siege mentality strategy, designed to capitalise on its ostracised position, served to mobilise protest support and the Finns Party came within a whisker of beating the Social Democrats into second place. The Social Democrats then turned the clock back and put together the type of left?centre (‘red mud’) coalition that had characterised Finnish governments for half a century from the mid-1930s onwards.  相似文献   
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Abstract

One of the central elements in a sustainable democracy is an informed and independent voters’ corps who is knowledgeable regarding democratic values and the policies of different parties, and who participates in democracy. The literature suggests that voters who are more heavy media users are also more politically knowledgeable. It follows that the media have an important informational role in a democracy. Against this background, the media usage patterns, media usage perceptions and political knowledge of the students of the North-West University on the Potchefstroom, Mafikeng and Vaal Triangle campuses were investigated during May 2009. This was done in the form of a quantitative survey that allowed students to report their real perceptions, experiences and knowledge levels. Questionnaires were administered in a self-administered style to avoid interviewer bias and to increase truthful self-reporting. Trained field workers used certain guidelines to ensure that the sample was representative of NWU students. The study found that students on all three campuses had poor levels of political knowledge. It was furthermore established that they were light users of media and did not often engage in political discussions with peers. On all three campuses, for political information television was the preferred medium, followed by radio. Although there were only weak correlations, it would seem that the students who were heavier users of media, were also more politically knowledgeable.  相似文献   
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