论俄国远东政策对清政府“以夷制夷”外交的影响

鸦片战争后,随着清政府对西方列强了解的不断加深,逐渐形成一系列抵御西方列强的外交策略,其中被清政府最为看重的就是"以夷制夷",特别是在甲午战争期间,这一外交得到最全面的实践。但是,由于清政府的腐败无能,这一外交策略不仅没有达到"制夷"的目的,反而被俄国的远东政策所利用,沙俄利用清政府急于寻找盟友、复仇日本的心理,诱骗清政府签订《中俄密约》等一系列条约,将中国东北划进自己的势力范围,给中国带来巨大损失。     

韩国的外交困境:一个概括性框架的解读

近年来,韩国外交面临着一种两难选择的困境。通过对60余年来韩国外交历程的梳理,我们可以发现以政权存续为主要目标的安保外交时期,这种困境是不存在的;而进入冷战后的统一外交时期之后,韩国在包括对美外交与对朝外交、和平外交与统一外交、同盟外交与均衡外交等一系列问题的处理原则上在全社会(包括政治精英和社会大众)还没有形成广泛而稳定的共识,从而使韩国的对外政策在近年来表现出随着政府的换届而不断摇摆、缺乏稳定性的特征,整体反映出韩国在处理朝韩关系及统一问题上的不自信。韩国只有在这些重大的外交原则问题上形成广泛而稳定的共识才有可能摆脱目前的困境,进一步推进统一外交的进程。     

中柬“特殊关系”的形成(1954-1965)

1954年日内瓦会议以后的10年是中国和柬埔寨关系发展的重要时期。在这一时期中,两国关系经历了一个从彼此缺乏了解到在国际事务中密切合作的过程。在冷战时期,中国领导人视美国为对中国革命和中国国家安全的主要威胁,因此,他们对外政策的一个主要目标就是要打破美国对中国的孤立和封锁。为了反对和削弱美国这个主要敌人,中国领导人在外交领域中运用统一战线策略,分化对手并争取中立势力。就柬埔寨而言,中国领导人的主要考虑就是如何赢得西哈努克对中国的好感,争取他的合作,防止柬埔寨加入美国组织的反华包围圈。此外,中国领导人也希望通过柬埔寨来扩大中国在亚非中立国家中的影响。     

U.S. International Broadcasting: The Case of Iran

This article is an examination of the current state of U.S. broadcasting to Iran. It also gives an overview of the structure of U.S. international broadcasting. The author illustrates how under the Bush administration, Radio Farda and Voice of America Persian TV were held accountable for helping to destabilize the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, critics, including those in the Pentagon and a number of congressional members, doubted the capacity of Radio Farda, in particular, to carry out such a purpose because of its entertainment focus. Contrary to self-professed declarations of independence and free and objective journalism, the author argues that the U.S. government uses strict editorial control to restrict its broadcasting entities within the boundaries of its foreign policy objectives.     

新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处?

新时代中国特色大国外交由新时代、中国特色和大国外交三部分组成。对于新时代的含义,党的十九大报告已经做出了明确的表述。大国外交的研究,历来是国际关系学界关注的重点,但对于什么是“中国特色”,学术界似乎着墨极少。所谓中国特色,就是指中国独有而其他国家没有或罕有的某些环境、指导思想、操作原则和具体抓手。本文探讨了新时代中国特色大国外交的“独特”之处。中国特色大国外交是在百年未有之大变局这一独特外部环境中展开的,其指导思想是作为新时代中国特色社会主义思想重要组成部分的习近平外交思想,采取了结伴不结盟这一独特的外交原则,以及“一带一路”倡议这一独特的工作抓手。中国特色大国外交有三个独特的理论来源:中国特色社会主义道路、中国传统文化和新中国外交传统。明确新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处,有助于我们总结和把握中国特色大国外交理论和实践的发展,有助于我们理解中国外交总体布局,有助于我们观察和分析当前和今后一个时期中国外交政策的走向。     

Silent citizens: reflections on community,habit, and the silent majority in political life

This article identifies two different senses in which the concept of ‘community’ can be seen to underpin the norm of vocal participation in democratic politics. The first is a broadly liberal view of community – traceable to Alexis de Tocqueville – that promotes active, vocal, and autonomous citizens and acts as a buffer between the state and the individual. A second broadly conservative view of community in the writings, for example, of Edmund Burke and T.S. Eliot treats community as organic, passive, and largely silent. It valorizes habit and habitual relationships as supporting political life through obedience to the law and respect for authority. While these two traditions stand apart, what is striking about both views of community is the one point about which both agree: citizens' sense of community is in decline within liberal democracies today. Thus silence and silent majorities are problematic to both traditions, albeit for different reasons.     

试论中国对东南亚的公共外交

随着全球化和信息化的迅速发展,作为传统外交的补充形式,公共外交在塑造国家形象、建立国家间互信方面扮演了重要角色。本文从介绍公共外交理论开始,探讨中国对东南亚国家公共外交的实践,并就中国对东南亚的公共外交提出建议。     

俄越防务合作的现状、动向与影响

近年来俄越防务合作发展迅速,规模和层次都达到了较高水平,在海军和空军领域尤其明显。俄越防务合作是俄罗斯重塑大国地位,实现国家复兴过程中,扩大政治影响,拓展安全空间,获取经济实利的重要战略手段,也是越南实施大国平衡外交,不断扩充国防力量,尤其为开发海洋经济提供安全保障的重要措施。尽管不断加强和深化防务合作关系是俄越两国的基本共识,但也面临着俄罗斯武器价格波动较大、越南的防务合作伙伴日趋多元化等现实问题。俄越防务合作关系的迅速发展和不断深化,将不可避免地影响到地区安全局势,加大东南亚乃至东亚地区军备竞赛的风险,不利于东盟集体安全机制的建立,对于和平解决南海问题也有消极作用,对中俄关系是一种潜在的不稳定因素。     

试析冷战后台湾对欧盟的“外交”

冷战后,随着欧盟政经影响力的不断扩大,从李登辉、陈水扁到马英九各个时期,台湾当局都非常重视对欧盟的＂外交＂,将欧盟视为继美、日之后的＂重点工作对象＂,采取多种形式,不断推动台湾与欧盟实质关系的发展。从欧盟来看,基于经贸利益的诱因及对台湾民主化的认同,在＂政经分离＂的外交政策下,也有意加强与台湾的关系。本文试图勾勒冷战后台湾当局对欧盟＂外交＂的基本轨迹,探讨台当局对欧＂外交＂的主要形式,并分析推动台湾与欧盟关系发展的因素及制约。     

The Impact of the USSR on Lithuania's Domestic Policy and Its International Orientation in the Third Decade of the Twentieth Century

This article investigates links between domestic and foreign policy, topics which are usually discussed rather than analyzed in any detail. The case of the USSR and Lithuania is taken as an historical example of the impact of the external factor on domestic policy, and an attempt is made to elucidate how the Soviets tried to influence and correct Lithuania's policy in the inter-war period by providing financial assistance to parties and their press. In this way they sought to set Lithuania against Poland and fuel the conflict between them, so that they would not become reconciled, would not create the so-called Baltic Union with Latvia, Estonia and Finland and would not orient themselves to the West. Using financial and other levers of secret policy, the Soviets contributed significantly to pushing the pro-Western Christian Democratic Party away from power in Lithuania so that the Nationalists, who sought to establish closer relations with the USSR, came to be established. The overseas financing of parties which remained unknown to the public distorted the political process of Lithuania and hindered the maturing of social awareness.