和平发展：马克思主义的创新

邓小平为中国确立了和平发展道路,表明中国要用斗争和互利共赢这两种方法对待资本主义国家;江泽民为中国和平发展增添新内涵,表明中国将通过推动平等竞争和全面交流来促进世界进步;胡锦涛为中国和平发展再添新内涵,表明中国要联合各国共建不同文明和社会制度共存共荣的新世界。由此实现了马克思主义的创新。     

国际法发展新动向及中国的外交实践

伊拉克战争对联合国和以《联合国宪章》为基础的国际法体系及其维护的国际秩序造成了前所未有的冲击。但形势的发展表明,联合国并未被边际化,现行国际法及国际秩序并未从根本上受到动摇,伊拉克战争反而使国际社会更加重视联合国和多边主义,更加重视国际法规则的制定和运用。随着国际形势的变化,国际法的发展出现了一些新的动向,值得我们密切关注和深入研究。在2003年,我国积极参与国际规则的制定,并签署了有关的国际条约,较好地维护了国家的根本利益,为推动国际关系的法制化作出了贡献。     

当前俄罗斯的东亚政策研究

苏联解体后,俄罗斯的外交政策从向西方“一边倒”转为东西方平衡的“双头鹰外交”,东亚在其整体外交格局中的地位上升.俄罗斯东亚战略的主要目标是要成为东亚大国,其政策主要受到两方面因素的驱动和影响：一是基于对国际和地区均势的追求,二是出于本国平衡发展的需要,以及对自身面临威胁的认知.中俄关系是俄罗斯东亚政策的重心,同时它也积极发展与东亚其他行为体的关系.俄罗斯与东亚的关系在过去十多年里稳步提升,但也面临着俄远东地区开发困难重重、融入东亚经济空间进展缓慢、国内意见分歧等诸多挑战.在世界战略重心东移的背景下,在当前因乌克兰危机而使俄与欧美的地缘政治冲突激化的情势下,俄罗斯将会进一步加强其整体外交政策中的东亚维度.     

美国强势推动TPP及对两岸关系的影响

2008年以来,作为“再平衡”战略的重要部署,美国高调主导并强势推动TPP,对两岸关系产生了重要影响.TPP成为美国对两岸关系施加影响的新切入点,对两岸的制度性经济合作造成直接冲击,也可能成为“台独”势力操弄影响岛内政治认同的新手段,给两岸务实解决台湾“国际空间”问题增添变数.大陆方面应该做好具有前瞻性的理论准备、政策研究和行动方案,为两岸关系和平发展以及中国的和平崛起“保驾护航”.     

Probing Into Chinese Hegemony and the Indian Challenge in the Southeast Asian Landscape

China is on the rise in Southeast Asia with its giant economy, modern military, and influential diplomacy potentially establishing a potential Chinese hegemony in the region. If such growth is not challenged by another regional power, the balance of peaceful stability will be tilted and economic development hampered. Thus, another rising power, India must face the challenges that a powerful China brings to the table. With its developing economy well-equipped armed forces and subtle diplomacy, it has the tools and capability to balance the distribution of power in Southeast Asia. This study analyzes and dissects the influence of both India and China in Southeast Asia and its impact on the future of the region. It focuses on the tangibles and intangibles that India needs to hurdle and overcome to provide China with a worthy challenger. It also brings into perspective the role of ASEAN （Association of Southeast Asian Nations） as a catalyst in India-China relations. As a bloc, ASEAN has the potential to be a vibrant economy and important personality in the region. How ASEAN will be able to cope with a rising China and a fast-developing India will also be addressed in the study. Finally, how the development and stability of the region can be maintained in spite of the brewing rivalry between China and India is also an important aspect of this study.     

中国安全外交与地区多边机制

中国安全外交的界定具有内涵与外延不断演进的历程,反映了中国应对国内安全问题时所承受的外交压力,并因此而采取的因应新安全观治理非传统安全问题的政策措施。中国安全外交体现了中国综合运用外交手段应对和解决国内外安全问题的新思维,超越了将安全问题与外交手段简单结合的传统思维,满足了当前形势下各国处理全球性安全问题的新要求。中国在全球化时代下对国际和国内安全治理的认知,已经超越了国家安全、传统安全和联盟安全,增强了对共同安全、综合安全、合作安全与可持续安全的认识。中国在参与东盟地区论坛、东盟防长扩大会议、香格里拉对话会、上海合作组织和亚洲相互协作与信任措施会议等地区多边机制中的安全外交具有一致性特征,反映出中国试图促进更为包容、更加有效的地区多边安全机制,消除美国军事同盟体系对地区安全形势的负面影响。近年来,中国在国际和地区安全事务中的影响力逐渐增强,中国安全外交也处于快速演进过程中,效果已经逐渐显现出来。随着中国提出并逐渐充实和完善亚洲新安全观,中国安全外交也将对维护国家安全和地区稳定发挥更大的作用。     

African agency and global orders: the demanding case of nuclear arms control

Abstract

How much agency do African states have to shape global orders? This study puts the global nuclear order under scrutiny to answer this question. It amounts to a demanding case. Arms control is something that global great powers take very seriously, and there is no weapons category that they take more seriously than nuclear weapons. My findings provide a nuanced picture. Although often outflanked and frustrated by nuclear weapon states, the nuclear order would look different without African actors exerting their agency. They successfully shaped background and foreground institutions constituting the global nuclear order by building advocacies for new institutions upon already existing ones, reaching out to state and non-state actors outside of Africa, and channelling communication through African states with authority in global fora. This study makes three contributions: First, it underlines the key finding of recent literature on African agency that African actors are more to be reckoned with than often assumed. Second, it provides novel evidence about the diplomatic mechanisms through which they come to make a difference. Third, it adds to our grasp of the constitution of global orders as well as the processes through which they come to be made, re-made and unmade more generally.     

Oslo and Its Aftermath: Lessons Learned from Track Two Diplomacy

Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of “track two” diplomacy to the Israeli–Palestinian case. It reports on a self‐reflection effort by numerous Israeli–Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. The research presented is based on an inventory of seventy‐nine track two projects that occurred between Israelis and Palestinians between 1992 and 2004, personal interviews with many of those who organized and oversaw these projects, and two focus group meetings that brought together a total of forty practitioners. In this article, we seek to better understand two issues: (1) how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and (2) how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Our findings present an overall picture of the Israeli–Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice. Among the trends we have identified are the following: during the peace process years, more track two initiatives were undertaken with elite/professional participants than with representatives of the grassroots, but in the subsequent decade‐and‐a‐half, Israeli–Palestinian grassroots, track two initiatives gradually replaced senior‐level track two exchanges; most of the grassroots initiatives we studied were relationship focused, whereas those involving elite participants are outcome focused; the track two community subscribes to a set of theoretical propositions about which conditions and contexts facilitate the transmission of track two insights and ideas to the political process, but these propositions have yet to be validated; and track two specialists do little strategic planning about ways to most effectively transfer track two insights and ideas to the political process. Our research also identified four distinct, but not mutually exclusive, approaches to practice: the psychological, the constructivist, the capacity building, and the realistic interest.     

The discourse on Japanese commitment to Africa: The planning process of the fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV)

TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes.     

People‐to‐People Dialogue between North and South Korea: Looking Ahead

The division in the Korean peninsula has lasted more than a half century, and the people on both sides have become quite different in their values, beliefs, behaviors, and lifestyles. As the two sides have increased their exchanges and communications for the last several years, the biggest challenge Korea and its people face is: “How should human relationships be rebuilt after suffering from chronic conflicts between adversary states?” This article considers track two diplomacy/people‐to‐people dialogue as a response to this question and reviews the issues and obstacles related to initiating such a dialogue.