两岸关系和平发展重要思想初探

两岸关系进入和平发展阶段，虽尚处于初级阶段，但其发展的难以逆转趋势已成为普遍的共识。尽管如此，由于海峡两岸历经冲突、对峙、隔绝乃至有外力介入的长期历史，未来的两岸关系仍有可能出现曲折、复杂的态势。当此之时，加深对两岸关系和平发展重要思想形成的背景、理论意义认识并清醒地面对有可能出现的种种挑战，有助于巩固两岸关系和平发展局面并推动其深入发展。     

新中国成立以来承担国际责任的历史考察

新中国成立以来一贯重视承担国际义务,在不同时期形成了各具特色又一脉相承的中国国际责任观,并以此为指导展开了极富时代特色的外交实践。建国初期,高举国际主义大旗是党的第一代领导人履行国际义务的鲜明特色;改革开放后,推动建立国际新秩序是第二代领导人承担国际责任的突出贡献;冷战结束后,广泛参与国际机制成为中国承担国际责任的现实选择;新世纪以来,推动建设和谐世界是新时期中国担当大国责任的集中表现。     

Oslo and Its Aftermath: Lessons Learned from Track Two Diplomacy

Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of “track two” diplomacy to the Israeli–Palestinian case. It reports on a self‐reflection effort by numerous Israeli–Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. The research presented is based on an inventory of seventy‐nine track two projects that occurred between Israelis and Palestinians between 1992 and 2004, personal interviews with many of those who organized and oversaw these projects, and two focus group meetings that brought together a total of forty practitioners. In this article, we seek to better understand two issues: (1) how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and (2) how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Our findings present an overall picture of the Israeli–Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice. Among the trends we have identified are the following: during the peace process years, more track two initiatives were undertaken with elite/professional participants than with representatives of the grassroots, but in the subsequent decade‐and‐a‐half, Israeli–Palestinian grassroots, track two initiatives gradually replaced senior‐level track two exchanges; most of the grassroots initiatives we studied were relationship focused, whereas those involving elite participants are outcome focused; the track two community subscribes to a set of theoretical propositions about which conditions and contexts facilitate the transmission of track two insights and ideas to the political process, but these propositions have yet to be validated; and track two specialists do little strategic planning about ways to most effectively transfer track two insights and ideas to the political process. Our research also identified four distinct, but not mutually exclusive, approaches to practice: the psychological, the constructivist, the capacity building, and the realistic interest.     

梅德韦杰夫外交:特点、原因及前景分析

梅德韦杰夫执政以来,其外交特点是:重视独联体,调整政策但区别对待;重视东方,中印平衡;对西方继续强硬但不破裂,进而改善,对美欧有所区别;利用俄优势,重视能源外交、体育外交、军事外交和大国外交;对国际事务提出很多新观点、新建议,使政府在实施俄罗斯外交政策的分量加重。其原因既有俄罗斯国力上升,也有国内的梅普组合因素,还有国际上的美国因素和中国因素。今后梅德韦杰夫外交将更加重视经济安全、能源外交和军事发展。对华将继续友好,战略借重加大,但发展空间有限,必须寻求新的增长点。在对西方关系上,在继承普京时期强硬外交的基础上进一步调整、改善、缓和与西方的关系。     

新时期的美国涉台关系及其制约因素

中美关系与两岸关系的大格局,决定了美国涉台关系的变化趋势.在政治上,美国乐见国民党连续执政和两岸关系的和平发展,但对于台湾被迫走向统一,存有疑虑,希望及时把握两岸和谈的具体进程.美方对台湾在“国防”、“外交”等领域予以多方面支持的目的,从短期看是同步强化美台关系,维护美国在台海地区的既有利益;从长期看则是增加台湾在两岸谈判中的筹码,谋取美国在台湾问题最终解决方案上的主动权.     

生活安宁权保护的现实困境及解决思路

公民的生活安宁权是现代社会公民精神和物质的双重需求,但现实中,由于法律规定的不明确而往往得不到有效保护。我国民法典（草案）建议稿规定＂自然人的生活安宁受法律保护＂,但体例上仍将其作为隐私权的人格利益来对待。实际上,通过对生活安宁权的理论界定,生活安宁权应成为一项独立的具体人格权并在立法中加以明确规定。     

The discourse on Japanese commitment to Africa: The planning process of the fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV)

TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes.     

People‐to‐People Dialogue between North and South Korea: Looking Ahead

The division in the Korean peninsula has lasted more than a half century, and the people on both sides have become quite different in their values, beliefs, behaviors, and lifestyles. As the two sides have increased their exchanges and communications for the last several years, the biggest challenge Korea and its people face is: “How should human relationships be rebuilt after suffering from chronic conflicts between adversary states?” This article considers track two diplomacy/people‐to‐people dialogue as a response to this question and reviews the issues and obstacles related to initiating such a dialogue.     

也谈两岸政治定位——陈孔立《两岸政治定位的瓶颈》读后

本文呼应陈孔立《两岸政治定位的瓶颈》一文的基本观点并有所讨论。笔者认为,解决两岸政治定位时机尚未成熟,但讨论时机业已成熟。在谈判解决政治难题时,要求台湾方面做出相应让步是可期的,但在讨论时期,期待台湾学者在＂中华民国是主权国家＂的底线上作出突破却甚难。学者可以而且应该研究两岸政治定位问题,但纷纷提出各种模式,可能未必有利于两岸关系发展。破解两岸政治难题似也难以从定位直接切入,仍然需要循序渐进,在解决相关问题的累积中逐步创造条件,以期瓜熟蒂落,问题获得最终解决。     

‘Regimes Theory’ as an Approach to Understanding Educational Cooperation in CARICOM and Commonwealth Countries

ABSTRACT

This article discusses the implication of soft diplomacy in education, in the form of educational cooperation, for the governance of regimes. In drawing upon regime theory, it suggests that the Commonwealth should be viewed as a regime, and its survival is partly dependent upon how it uses educational cooperation to coordinate its functional areas, such as education. Moreover, educational cooperation at the transnational level is different from traditional South-South cooperation in that it is based on the coordination of hierarchic mechanisms. In drawing lessons from the experiences of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) project and extending them to the Commonwealth project, it argues that soft diplomacy, around perceived global norms, propels national educational agenda-setting attitudes. From this it follows that educational cooperation is the new order of things in an era defined by educational multistakeholderism where new regimes and institutions arise and coexist alongside other regimes. In other words, the Commonwealth must now retool itself in an era driven by regime complex(es) where it must coexist and compete with issue-specific regimes as well as complex entities which are comprised of more than one regime.