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301.
Boštjan Udovi? 《Communist and Post》2011,44(4):357-368
The aim of the article is to present activities of Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets. The result of the analysis proves that Slovene commercial diplomacy in the Western Balkan markets followed enterprise preferences. Thus, in the first decade of transition (1991–2000) commercial diplomacy focused only on ex-Yugoslav markets, while non-ex-YU (Western Balkan) markets became interesting only after the year 2000. The article argues that this can be explained by the reactiveness (instead of proactiveness) of Slovene enterprises, which stems from the Slovene national character. 相似文献
302.
Biyun Zhu 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2019,49(3):203-218
This article attempts to discuss the delicate relationship between the arts and international politics and the instrumental role the arts may play in international relations. The paper sets the Cold War as the stage and uses the Edinburgh International Festival as the subject of research to trace the interplay between the arts and international relations. Specifically, the article answers the questions of how the festival was impacted by the changing international relations over the Cold War period and how the festival as an arts organization exerted influence on international politics. 相似文献
303.
石云霞 《中共贵州省委党校学报》2021,(2):23-33
党的十八大以来,新时代中国特色大国外交战略,积极推动全球治理体系变革,推动构建新型国际关系,坚持和平发展道路,推动构建人类命运共同体,促进一带一路国际合作,取得举世瞩目的历史性成就。 相似文献
304.
305.
新形势下中国对朝外交政策的调整 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
冷战结束后,中朝关系逐渐向以国家利益为导向的"正常的国家关系"转变。2010年以来朝鲜半岛发生的多次争议事件导致局势不稳加剧,中国对朝鲜半岛外交及中朝双边关系面临微妙形势。分析当前中国对朝外交新形势,应以国家利益为出发点,调整对朝政策:承担必要责任,摆脱被动牵制;撬动对朝"杠杆",发挥主动影响;遵循务实原则,谋求国家利益;理解对方关切,保持传统友谊,从而实现中朝关系长远而健康的发展。 相似文献
306.
Alisher Faizullaev 《Negotiation Journal》2014,30(3):275-299
This article examines the role of state actors, organization agencies, and individual agents in diplomatic interactions and negotiations. States as diplomatic actors, organizations as diplomatic agencies, and individuals as diplomatic agents enter into complex and interdependent relationships. Proposing a three‐level analysis of interstate interactions and diplomatic negotiations, I argue that no diplomatic negotiation happens without interactions between parties at the state, organizational, and individual levels. The agency–structure paradigm provides a conceptual framework for understanding behavioral and structural properties of international interactions and their influence on diplomatic negotiations. Diplomatic negotiation employs specific forms of interaction, using a distinct language, protocol norms, symbols, ceremonies, and rituals. The state's “self” (as a social conception of its identity, values, and interests) affects the process of diplomatic negotiation. By managing, organizing, and improving international interactions at the actor, agency, and agent levels, negotiating parties can advance the process and effectiveness of diplomatic negotiation. 相似文献
307.
Peter Jones 《Negotiation Journal》2014,30(4):347-366
This article reviews and assesses United States–Iran track two diplomacy over the nuclear issue from 2005 to 2011. It asks why during what should have been a “ripe” moment for discussions, in the first years of the Obama Administration, track two processes were able to contribute so little to any official progress on the issue. The article concludes that the moment was not so ripe, after all, and that officials on each side were less willing to receive the ideas generated by track two than their rhetoric would have indicated. 相似文献
308.
李海龙 《陕西行政学院学报》2014,(2):73-76
随着中国自身的发展,中国政府适时抓住国际社会的变化趋势,提出"命运共同体"的理念。这既是世界各国人民的共同愿望,也是中国主动承担责任,谋求与世界共同发展的结果。因此,"命运共同体"作为包括中国人民在内的全世界人民的共同愿望和梦想,包含着平等互信的新型权力观、合作共赢的共同利益观以及包容互鉴的文明观。长期以来,中国一直在安全、经济和人文等领域践行着"命运共同体"的理念,推动着国际社会的发展和进步,自身也向"负责任大国"的方向迈进。 相似文献
309.
张磊 《陕西行政学院学报》2014,(4):77-79
习近平同志提出的新型国际关系思想在继承的基础上顺应时代潮流,其具体内容包括推动构建中美新型大国关系、全力稳定和拓展周边睦邻友好关系、大力加强与发展中国家友好合作、深入参与和引导多边外交进程。习近平"新型国际关系"思想是中国特色社会主义外交理论体系的重要组成部分。 相似文献
310.
ALBAN WEBB 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(3):378-383
In recent years, the BBC World Service has undergone the most radical overhaul of its governance, finance and working practices since the Second World War. In examining these changes, the Foreign Affairs Select Committee report on The Future of the BBC World Service articulates ‘clear differences’ between it and the BBC about how the World Service should be governed, and ‘serious reservations’ about the transfer of funding in April this year from government grant‐in‐aid to the licence fee. With a new BBC Charter due in 2017, will the distinct ethos and culture of the World Service survive this major reorganisation? 相似文献