从毛泽东外交思想中汲取智慧和力量--纪念毛泽东诞辰110周年

文章从“各国的事情要由各国自己管”;“亚非拉民族国家是我们的朋友”,中国属于第三世界;“谁搞霸权主义就反对谁”三个方面阐述了学习毛泽东外交思想的体会。毛泽东外交思想博大精深,我们应从学习、研究中汲取智慧和力量。     

从属侧施压:同盟强化还是同盟瓦解?——“进攻性楔子战略”成败的政治条件及其类型化研究

在研究同盟分化的议程中,关于“楔子战略”的类型化研究很多,但是关于不同类型“楔子战略”背后差异化的因果机制及其传导过程的研究却很少。“从属侧施压”是“进攻性楔子战略”的一个重要组成部分,它特指利用危机向特定类型敌对联盟中的次要盟友进行安全施压,进而促成敌对联盟内部关系紧张直至瓦解的一种同盟分化手段。通过对“从属侧施压”这一微观同盟理论各要素间共变关系的研究发现,大国间“现有权势对比”“权力变动趋势”和“权力盈亏态势判定”是决定“从属侧施压”战略实施效果的三个核心变量。同盟主导国在“实力较强”且“趋势焦虑”情势下介入盟友危机的意愿最强,反之则最弱。对于“实力较强但趋势占优”和“实力较弱且趋势焦虑”两种不确定情况,借助于“前景理论”对同盟主导国“权力盈亏态势”进行辅助判别,则具有较强的解释力。该理论的提出,不仅对现有“进攻性楔子战略”具体实施条件、时机把握与策略选择有着较强的现实指导意义,也有助于战略实施方避免因条件与时机误判而促成事与愿违的敌对同盟强化。     

中国共产党百年对外交往与外交思想笔谈

中国共产党在对外交往领域积累了丰富的思想和实践资源,这是深化中国特色政党外交理论研究,丰富外交学理论,构建中国特色大国外交理论的重要学理源泉。中国共产党的世界观和外交价值观一以贯之,外交思想和原则具有高度稳定性、连续性和确定性。党的外交思想坚持人民性、独立性和时代性。独立自主是中国共产党外交思想体系的基石。党的十八大以来,中国积极开展涉港国际斗争,坚决反对与遏制任何国家和外部势力干涉香港事务和中国内政。中国共产党的国际安全理论建设具有长期的思想准备、丰富的实践经验和先进的理论指导,坚持系统思维,构建大安全格局。共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观是中国特色国际秩序观的具体体现。     

拜登政府的全球气候变化领导政策与中国应对

美国的气候治理政策长期呈现周期性变化特点。围绕气候问题,拜登政府强调引领清洁能源革命和重回气候治理,重视国内清洁能源发展、气候议题科学化塑造、气候治理多边主义,希望在继承奥巴马政府时期气候政策的基础上,全面提升美国的气候治理领导力。在国内,拜登政府欲依托科技创新、刺激需求、投资基础设施等措施使清洁能源融入美国经济进程;在气候外交方面,美国将推动相关问题在国家安全和外交事务中的主流化。拜登政府设计了“团结应对策略”,将盟友、峰会外交、经贸合作、对外援助和投资、技术标准、区域合作等内容融入其中,并突出气候变化与安全、人权的相关性。在对华气候政策方面,拜登政府将对中国实施限制性气候合作策略。虽然中美合作有助于实现《巴黎协定》的“2摄氏度”目标,也有助于全球低碳经济良性发展,但在气候治理领导权、全球低碳标准领域,中、美两国仍存在竞争。     

The emerging middle power concept: Time to say goodbye?

To deal with the wide range of states that are considered middle powers, scholars distinguish between traditional middle powers on the one hand, and emerging, non-traditional or Southern middle powers on the other. This article examines the middle power concept in light of such diversity. It rejects middle power conceptions based on a ranking of size, power or position, on performing morally commendable international actions, on playing niche roles in international diplomacy, or on national self-identification. The article then considers a conception of middle powers as international stabilisers. The difficulty with this latter conception is that new middle powers exhibit a counter-hegemonic streak and a preference for multipolarity. Both of these are destabilising. The proposed solution is to jettison adjectives such as ‘emerging’ or ‘Southern’ with regard to middle powers, to stop classifying mid-range states with counter-hegemonic tendencies as middle powers, and to restrict the middle power term to mid-range states that actively support the liberal hegemonic project.     

从孙中山的和平统一思想到两岸和平发展

国家和平统一思想是孙中山留给我们的最为珍贵的重要精神财富,成为我们两岸中国人共同的追求和责任.中国共产党和国民党基于对中华民族根本利益和两岸同胞福祉的关切,共同构建了两岸和平稳定发展的框架,共同开创海峡两岸和平、和解、和谐、合作之路,使两岸关系的发展出现了又一个春天.     

Revisiting China’s “peaceful rise”: Implications for India

This article explores the significance and relevance of the concept of China's peaceful rise and its implications for India. Though the concept suddenly lost its usage and was replaced by a more modest term, peaceful development, the basic tenets of the peaceful rise concept hold considerable relevance. Peaceful rise is a concept aimed at managing the consequences of China's rise as a great power. Essentially, while it reiterates China's foreign policy of peace and common development of all, it also indicates a paradigm shift in Chinese foreign policy. Since the essence of peaceful rise is to support a peaceful international order, the concept imparts a peaceful relationship between India and China.     

Colombia at War: The Search for a Peace Diplomacy

This essay analyzes Colombian foreign policy over the last three decades with specific emphasis on Bogota's peace diplomacy from 1978 up to 2000 in the context of an ongoing and degrading internal war. Initially, it assumes a modified realist perspective that links international relations with domestic structures. Then, the text defines three models of Colombian peaceful diplomacy according to the purposes, the means, and the rationales employed by the administrations that covered the above-mentioned period. After empirically evaluating the governments of Presidents Turbay, Betancur, Barco, Gaviria, and Samper and the first two years of the presidency of Pastrana, the article concludes with an assessment of the country's peace diplomacy and its impact on internal violence and instability. The foreign policies of the six different mandates show that Colombia never developed an overall, consensual state strategy towards peace, that the multiple peaceful diplomacies were partially successful in terms of sustaining the political regime and that, notwithstanding the latter, the successive governments failed to achieve a genuine resolution to domestic war. Finally, the article calls for a serious, active, and simultaneous state foreign policy and citizen's diplomacy in favor of peace.     

The evolution of Japan's role in ‘Lusophone’ Africa: From inertia to action

This article explores Japan's relations with Lusophone Africa over the past 60 years. It asks what factors have propelled Japan's shift from a foreign policy based on inertia to a more proactive one. Arguably, colonialism and postcolonialism linked to the Cold War politics had a negative impact on Japan's relations with the Portuguese-speaking African countries (PALOP) and Africa as a whole; this contrasts with Japan's process of ‘Africanisation’ after 1990, reflective of changing external and internal circumstances. The question arises as to whether Japan's relations with the specific PALOP states, and with the group as a whole, have been influenced by, or have had influence over, Japan's long-term approach to other African states. Lastly, what characterises Japan's approach to the PALOP? Findings show mutual gains beyond the simple exploitation of natural resources towards broad-based sustainable growth. Still, from the perspective of the poorest PALOP, development cooperation and trade benefits are unbalanced and insufficient.     

和平利用海洋与海上军事行动

和平利用海洋是1982年《联合国海洋法公约》的主题。《公约》通过限定海洋活动形式、规定海洋争端解决方法以及倡导加强国际合作的方式促进海洋的和平利用。和平利用海洋并不意味着禁止一切海上军事行动,但也确实对海上军事行动构成一定的限制。为实现海洋的和平利用,各国的海上军事行动应符合《联合国宪章》、《公约》和其他国际法规则的规定。此外,加强海上军事互信与安全合作也是解决有关国家海上“安全困境”,维护海洋和平的重要途径。