资源民族主义语境下日本能源外交的新策略

在石油价格高企时代,资源民族主义日益膨胀。比邻而居的日本在能源外交之路上推出了诸多新举措：一是快速提升与中亚国家的合作关系,以期进一步拓宽能源进口源;二是在保持与中东传统友好关系基础上,通过合作方式和合作项目等方面的策略创新,寄希深度强化双方关系;三是积极与中、印等能源消费大国合作,以求提升国家形象。日本能源外交战略上的新策略,既非一朝一夕的构想,亦非既定方针,而是其外交经验的“积渐所至”。     

Sub-state diplomacy: Understanding the international opportunity structures

Developing explanations for how sub-state governments are active internationally is central to understanding their unexpected growth as international actors. Building upon Lecours’ work [2002, Paradiplomacy: reflections on the foreign policy and international relations of regions, International Negotiation, Vol.7, pp.91–114], this article develops an expanded historical institutionalist analysis of the international agency of sub-state governments. Its original empirical contribution is utilizing this approach to examine within case variation across four contrasting policy domains in a case study of Wales. Reflecting the European Union sub-state mobilization literature, levels of constitutional powers are constrained in their capacity to account for Welsh sub-state international agency. Instead, the article highlights strong variation in the opportunity structures shaping sub-state diplomacy across policy domains. The article argues that institutional continuity and change, the prevalence of ‘path dependence’, can differ significantly between policy domains in sub-state diplomacy, argues for an expanded multi-level framework recognizing the impact of non-governmental organizations and international institutional opportunity structures and confirms historical institutionalism’s ability to enrich understanding of agency-structure relationships.     

Narratives of the EU in Israel/Palestine: narrative “stickiness” and the formation of expectations

ABSTRACT

Analysis of narrative can help identify the expectations actors hold about each other in international relations. This article triangulates a mix of elite interviews, media content analysis and an original Q-sort public opinion methodology to map the presence of narratives about EU relations among young Israelis and Palestinians. Our aim is not to explain the effects of EU public diplomacy in these countries. Instead we aim to identify the narrative “terrain” or conditions that the EU communicates to and with and, drawing on feminist and everyday narrative studies, to examine the role of affect and identity to explain why some narratives are more “sticky” than others in those societies. We find, first, a broad recognition that the EU’s capacity to act in international relations is necessary but limited in the face of greater challenges in the international system, and indeed, within the EU itself. We find, second, little evidence that young people radically reshape the narratives they encounter in their public spheres, but nevertheless some important divisions emerge that pose problems for how EU policymakers can communicate consistently without dismaying some citizens in third countries.     

China's dual strategy of coercion and inducement towards ASEAN

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to the discussion about China's divisive influence on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It argues that recent China–ASEAN relations are based on Beijing's successful implementation of a dual strategy of coercion and inducement. The effectiveness of this strategy is tested against the South China Sea disputes – the issue that lies in the core of regional security and a key platform of power display. The article outlines Beijing's recent interaction with individual ASEAN member-states and its implications for the regional multilateral diplomacy. While by no means identical, Beijing's dual strategy of coercion and inducement with individual ASEAN states have resulted in an effective abuse of the ASEAN consensus principle – a tactic often referred to as ‘divide and rule’. Consequently, the group's internal discord has further eroded and affected the institutional confidence of ASEAN. This article draws attention to the psychological effect of coercion as a perception of punishment, and inducement as a perception of reward.     

有限的回击：2010年以来中国的经济制裁行为

通过对中国经济制裁事实的梳理,本文指出2010年后中国实施经济制裁的意愿上升了。研究表明,2010年后中国的经济制裁呈现出"有限的回击"的特征,即经济制裁的强度较低、实际运用的范围有限,且经济制裁仅用于对他国侵犯中国国家利益时的回应。中国运用经济制裁的逻辑在于,中国国家利益所面临的外部挑战增加,推动中国在传统的外交与军事手段之外寻求新型反击方式,而经济制裁因其有效性、和平性、灵活性等优势成为重要的政策选项,促使中国实施经济制裁的意愿上升。然而,中国与目标国之间相互依赖的对称性、目标国的低脆弱性与升级战略的可行性等因素,又导致了中国经济制裁的有限性。经济制裁已经逐渐成为中国一项重要的强制性外交政策工具,但迄今仍处于辅助性地位。     

Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda

The concept of the ‘National Democratic Revolution’ (NDR) is often used by left-leaning scholars and political actors in attempts to explain or justify the lack of socialism in third-world societies governed by rulers who consider themselves ‘scientific socialists’. It has been invoked in analyses of Zimbabwe by both the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, in 2001 as he was embarking on his ‘quiet diplomacy’, and Wilfred Mhanda, a Zimbabwean guerrilla leader imprisoned by the Mozambican government in the late-1970s for posing problems to the leadership aspirations of Robert Mugabe, who later became president of the country posing problems for Thabo Mbeki among others. Analysis of both these political intellectuals’ writing sheds light on the concept of the NDR (evoked often in contemporary South African politics and Zimbabwean discourse about the current crisis) as well as the theoretical and practical aspects of the authors’ careers.     

我国知识产权制度建设成效及问题实证分析——兼论我国知识产权对外交往策略

我国现代知识产权制度建设始于改革开放初期,经过30余年发展,已成为现代社会一种重要的无形财产权制度.统计数据和计量经济分析表明,我国的专利、商标和著作权制度已走上正轨,发挥着正当的制度功能,但其中存在的问题,如知识产权法实施难仍需得到正视和理性解决.对知识产权制度成效的客观评价是中国知识产权对外交往策略的基础.应保持必要的自信心,不妄自菲薄,积极采取主动与防御结合的策略,以免在知识产权对外交往中进退失据,陷于被动.尊重知识产权制度的内在逻辑,防止冒进,拒绝外部干扰,将有助于知识产权制度理性发展.     

浅析亚太地区新形势下中国和平发展战略进程

当前新形势下,亚太地区关系正经历着前所未有的巨大变革,挑战与机遇并存。中国新一届政府着眼于实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦,赋予和平发展战略新的涵义,着力亚太放眼全球,积极塑造良好的外交环境。从"新"出发,建立中国新一届政府在亚太新形势下对中国和平发展的战略决策,为建构亚太地区新关系提供参考。     

美国对华决策政治系统及要求

自 2 0世纪 70年代以来特别是冷战结束以后 ,美国外交决策系统由原来的相对集中和由总统占垄断地位向一个开放和多元的系统转变。本文使用政治的分析方法考察了美国对华决策系统的结构以及各个要求的作用和影响 ,并提出通过影响国会、利益集团和媒体的要求进而影响美国对华政策的观点。     

认清形势 大力推动东亚合作

东亚地区的一体化进程已经开始。东亚经济一体化是世界的需要,亚洲的需要,也是中国的需要。“东亚思想库网络”是“10 3”东亚区域合作机制中第二轨道外交的一个活动平台,是“10 3”东亚国家领导人会议正式认可的学术交流与研究的机制。