首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   414篇
  免费   11篇
各国政治   70篇
世界政治   20篇
外交国际关系   112篇
法律   23篇
中国共产党   19篇
中国政治   56篇
政治理论   33篇
综合类   92篇
  2024年   2篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   12篇
  2020年   14篇
  2019年   12篇
  2018年   10篇
  2017年   21篇
  2016年   14篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   24篇
  2013年   44篇
  2012年   24篇
  2011年   25篇
  2010年   22篇
  2009年   17篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   35篇
  2006年   27篇
  2005年   23篇
  2004年   27篇
  2003年   17篇
  2002年   7篇
  2001年   10篇
  2000年   4篇
排序方式: 共有425条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
51.
Kenya matters regionally and globally. It is the economic powerhouse of East Africa and a long-standing hub for multilateral diplomacy; its positioning in a turbulent region has fashioned its profile as an anchor state in African peace and security. Until recently, Kenya's foreign policy orientation has situated it as a benign regional leader, but pressing developments in the regional and international environments have edged it towards a more assertive foreign policy position. This study constitutes a multilevel review of Kenya's foreign policy in the period 1963–2015, beginning with Jomo Kenyatta through to the current president, Uhuru Kenyatta. After evaluating contexts pertinent to the analysis of Kenya’s foreign policy, the fundamental principles, objectives and pillars of the current foreign policy are unpacked.  相似文献   
52.
Japan's economic and political relationship with South Africa has been characterised historically by ambiguity. Throughout the twentieth century, economic ties were underpinned by mercantilist and strategic considerations. During apartheid, this placed Japan in an uneasy position as it sought to balance a relationship of expediency with wider foreign policy objectives in the rest of Africa and beyond. The demise of apartheid created the space for new forms of engagement centred on the pursuit of cognate goals. This has seen the intensification and deepening of economic ties in particular. Yet relations, especially at the political and diplomatic levels, have also been more complex than anticipated, and in recent years, the rise in Africa of other players from Asia and the Global South has had a bearing on South Africa–Japan ties. In this paper, it is argued that two related dynamics pivoting on policy elites’ changing conceptions (or self-view) of the nature of the state they are running and its place in the wider world order help explain the post-apartheid evolution of the South Africa–Japan relationship. First, there has been an apparent shift in South African foreign policy elites’ self-view, mediated by a changing systemic context. The development and manifestation over time of a stronger Global South self-conception in South African foreign policy, fashioned in juxtaposition to what have been considered in the past key Global North relationships, had direct consequences for South Africa–Japan ties. Second, meso- and micro-level dynamics – the role of the general operations in the diplomatic (i.e. bureaucratic) arena, and the personalities and shifting political preferences of individual executive leaders – had major impacts on how South Africa engaged with Japan in the past two decades.  相似文献   
53.
ABSTRACT

This article shows how the existence of a community of European practitioners in the Jerusalem area gives substance to the European stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The often-stated European Union (EU) support for a two-state solution could appear meaningless in the absence of peace negotiations. However, European diplomats (i.e. diplomats of EU member states and EU officials) in the East Jerusalem–Ramallah area are committed to specific practices of political resistance to Israeli occupation and recognition of Palestinian institutions. These practices have led not only to a specific political geography of diplomacy, but also to a community of practice, composed of European diplomats and based on their daily experience of resisting occupation and bestowing recognition. It is this group of officials who represent and actively “do” Europe’s position and under occupation.  相似文献   
54.
王淑贞 《青年论坛》2008,(3):130-132
在新中国对外关系史的发展历程中,周恩来睦邻外交思想占有极其重要的地位。睦邻外交是周恩来外交思想的重要组成部分。本文从思想渊源、历史背景、客观条件、主要内容、深远意义、继承发展六个方面对周恩来睦邻外交思想作了全方位的探析。  相似文献   
55.
美国政治家制定外交政策和进行外交政策辩论时,总是受着意识形态的影响.二战之后,由于美国国力一直处于不断增长的过程之中,使美国意识形态的扩张主义特性更加鲜明.从历史、传统、文化等方面探究美国"扩张主义意识形态",是把握美国外交特征的重要视角.  相似文献   
56.
两岸关系和平发展的社会机制探析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
基于两岸关系的政治与社会互动逻辑,两岸关系和平发展存在着权力制衡、权利规范和社会支撑等多种构建机制,而社会机制是构建两岸关系和平发展的重要路径之一和基础组成部分.社会机制的内容分析涵盖社会动力、激励、整合、协调及保障等几个方面.两岸关系和平发展的社会机制为当前两岸关系提供了诸多启示:应确立两岸关系的多元主体多维定位,深化两岸交流沟通范围和层次,注意各项社会运行机制的深化与协调,注重社会资本的积累.  相似文献   
57.
1991年12月9日《欧洲联盟条约》签署后,欧洲联盟国家在追求经济一体化的同时,也在追求政治一体化,即欧洲联盟国家应以国家联盟共同体的方式,用一种声音说话。由于欧盟成员国间政治经济发展的不平衡以及在对外关系中的各自特点和差异,欧盟在对外政策上要完全用一个声音说话,还需要一个较为漫长的过程,也会受到成员国各种因素的制约。欧盟对朝鲜半岛政策从奉行接触到积极介入以及其中的起伏变化,多少能够看出欧盟在对外政策方面的相对模糊与迟缓。  相似文献   
58.
作为近代日本自由民权运动的重要领袖,中江兆民的思想向来倍受研究者们的关注。有关其代表作品《三醉人经纶问答》的分析文章亦数不胜数。兆民的和平思想以小国主义为特征,是近代日本和平思想的主要来源之一。在他的和平思想中,不仅能看到西方近代的人权观念,还能找到东方传统的和平观念。本文从近代日本和平思想发展轨迹这一角度重新审视兆民的思想,以《三醉人经纶问答》为中心浅析其和平政治思想的特征。  相似文献   
59.
ABSTRACT

This article examines how the mediatised context of foreign policy provides new opportunities for political leaders to both frame and project their own leadership role to new audiences. The past ten years have witnessed a sharp rise in political leaders’ use of new social media to communicate on a range of foreign policy issues. We argue that this new media context of foreign policy, combined with a bolstered leadership mandate, has been central to the construction of a more visible public leadership role for the EU High Representative in the post-Lisbon era. Departing from recent scholarship on performative leadership and new media in International Relations theory, we develop an original theoretical framework drawing on Erving Goffman’s dramaturgy of impression management. We employ the concept of “leaderisation” to analyse how mediatisation shapes the leadership process in terms of personification and drama to enable new forms of interaction with followers. We apply this framework in an illustrative case study focusing on the process of negotiating the EU Global Strategy. This diplomatic process provided the High Representative Mogherini with a stage on which she could frame herself in a central leadership position vis-à-vis European citizens to mobilise greater legitimacy for the EU as a global actor.  相似文献   
60.
中国走和平发展道路,必须顺应时代潮流,将本国利益同世界各国共同利益紧密结合起来。在全球化时代,中国要与世界各国构建"价值共同体",就需要接纳、塑造普世价值,妥善应对西方推广"普世价值"战略,需要将普世价值本身与西方的说词区别开来,同时积极构建中国自己的普世价值体系。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号