论全国人大的对外交往

随着中国改革开放的深入发展和国外议会外交的兴起,全国人大的对外交往活动也日益活跃。本文通过对近些年来全国人大对外交往活动的介绍和研究,试图揭示全国人大对外交往在我国整体外交中的地位、独特作用以及其对外交往活动对全国人大自身建设的重要意义。     

Nuclear diplomacy as niche diplomacy: South Africa's post-apartheid relations with the International Atomic Energy Agency

Since the termination of its nuclear weapons programme, commenced in 1989 and verified by the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) in 1993, successive South African governments have consistently advocated the country's commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. South Africa has secured a niche role through norm construction and state identity for itself through its nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA. The article explores aspects of South Africa's nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA as an example of niche diplomacy. Therefore, it traces South Africa's diplomatic relations with the IAEA, starting with the IAEA's verification process and the implementation of a Safeguards Agreement (1989–1994) through the conversion of South Africa's research nuclear reactor (1991–2005); South Africa's position on greater representation for developing countries on the IAEA's Board of Governors; its ambition to be elected to the position of IAEA Director General (2008–2009); and its refusal to support the establishment of a nuclear fuel bank in Russia under the IAEA's auspices (2009–2010).     

Post-9/11 International Artist Exchanges Between the United States and the Middle East

Since 9/11, the U.S. government has gradually increased its budget for cultural exchange to improve its estranged relationship with Middle Eastern ¹ 1. The Middle East, or the greater Middle Eastern region, is frequently labeled with distinctive titles. For example, the State Department identifies the region as the “Near East,” and “North Africa and the Middle East” is broadly utilized by the grant-related organization, the Foundation Center. Additionally, the term “Arab” refers to someone who uses the Arabic language and whose cultural background is Arabic. Thus, to promote consistency and to prevent unnecessary confusion, “the Middle East” will be utilized in this article. countries. However, U.S. private foundations have been reluctant to sponsor international artist exchanges with the region. This article describes the funding trends of both public and private sources; explains the consequences and coping strategies of U.S. arts presenters through a case study of the Kennedy Center's 2009 Arabesque Festival; and examines the effects of the new laws and regulations created after the terrorist attacks that seem to be influencing the activities of private funders.     

Review of “Creative Subversions: Whiteness,Indigeneity, and the National Imaginary,” by Margot Francis

Narrative is not only entertainment but also a mode of engaging in negotiation with others, and culture is one of the things negotiated thereby. Stories are structured by an internal and external authority in terms of origin, coherence, and effectiveness in the world. Cultural managers will inevitably be involved in situations where narratives diverge, and they will discover that dealing with competing narratives involves a type of diplomatic communication with a range of participants in the arena of culture, from artists to civic authorities to audiences. Historical anecdotes from both classical and modern eras suggest how powerful cultural credit and cultural production can be and how ideas of culture can be deployed in politics. The slow and careful procedures of diplomacy—taken analogously as communication, protection, negotiation, and sovereignty—can prevent even domestic cultural management from provoking hostility or resistance to a perceived attempt to exert control. Ultimately, we are mostly living in a fluid rather than a precisely calibrated world, and cultural managers know that absolute justifications for cultural work are impossible to find.     

When Art and Commerce Collide: Colorization and the Moral Right

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the dominant framework that drives US public diplomacy initiatives and insists that, short of major structural changes, US public diplomacy lacks ethical legitimacy. Based on a review of past US public diplomacy practices, the article finds that these efforts were mainly characterized by a one-way flow of information and an emphasis on image management. Using the theories of hegemony, American exceptionalism, Orientalism, and cultural imperialism, the author lays a theoretical framework for analyzing public diplomacy. The author suggests that, for public diplomacy to move beyond propaganda, it needs to incorporate two-way communication and symmetry.     

道路自信与制度自信的双重逻辑——“一国两制”的时代论域与哲学意涵

哲学的特质决定了其对现实世界分析的深刻底蕴,即历史的客观性与规律的概括性。对"一国两制"道路的认识与评价,必须从国情与时代的演进中来探寻发展的逻辑。"一国两制"的科学性体现在原则性与灵活性的有机统一,适应了生产力与生产关系的发展规律,丰富、拓展了马克思主义国家学说的当代论域。     

Superficial,not Substantial: The Ambiguity of Public Support for Europe's Security and Defence Policy

Abstract

Surveys such as the European Commission's Eurobarometer regularly reveal high levels of public support for European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This paper argues, however, that public support for ESDP is only superficial, not substantial. First, there is no homogeneous ‘European’ public support for ESDP. Second, security and defence, as covered by ESDP with its focus on global crisis-management, rank very low among Europeans’ priorities. Third, Europeans are very sceptical about the appropriateness of military means, and hence a core element of ESDP, as a legitimate instrument in international affairs. These reservations are likely to have constraining effects on ESDP's future development. At the same time, there are compelling reasons for the further development of ESDP. Therefore, Europe's political elites should initiate a public diplomacy campaign inside the EU in which the case for Europe's further evolution as a strategic security and defence actor is made. ESDP operations are the most promising starting points as they illustrate both the normative and the ‘realist’ necessities of European engagement in global security affairs.     

State,identity, and the politics of music: Eurovision and nation-building in Azerbaijan

Albeit often – and fairly – degraded in the world of high culture as a populist and politicized representation of music, the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) – by sheer virtue of the populist and politicized nature of its essence – stands among the most consequential cultural encounters to which post-independence Azerbaijan has been exposed, in that the extent to which Baku's victory in the ESC-2011 – and the further developments this victory has generated – can potentially impact on, and contribute to, the very process of nation-building and national identity formation, with which this post-Soviet Muslim-majority country is currently struggling, is unparalleled by any of the state's earlier encounters of the kind. This paper focuses on, and examines, four intimately related ways in which the ESC and Azerbaijan's successful involvement with the latter worked to interfere with the country's nation-building: as a dubious factor in the evolution of the Western sense of self among Azerbaijanis; as a unifying force within the structure of the country's rapidly maturing civil society; as a medium working to open up a channel through which Western popular cultural elements could interfere with the evolving dynamics of, and work to globalize, indeed de-endogenize, indigenous Azerbaijani culture, on one hand, and unify the discursive realm within which the country's cultural domain is to further evolve, on the other; and, finally, as an important element serving to decouple the evolving processes within the country's cultural domain from the unfolding dynamics of conflict settlement and hence conducive to the diversification of public discourse in Azerbaijan.     

游客形象对中国公共外交的影响分析

中国已经成为世界第一旅游消费大国,庞大的出国人群原本可以成为公共外交的使者和国家形象的代言人,遗憾的是,此起彼伏的中国游客不文明行为,不仅引起目的地居民的反感,而且降低了中国政府公共外交的可信度,使国家形象受损。在全民外交时代,应加强对游客形象问题的研究,探究其对公共外交的影响程度,充分发挥个体在公共外交中的积极作用。     

习近平总书记的外交思想与实践

十八大后,以习近平总书记为核心的新一届党和国家领导,高屋建瓴地提出一系列对外战略思想和外交策略方针,积极倡导一个“命运共同体”的总体目标,认真做好把握战略机遇、应对挑战的两手准备,努力处理好争取维护国家利益与承担国际责任、维持软实力和硬实力、坚持韬光养晦与积极有所作为三个平衡,妥善处理中国与大国、周边国家、发展中国家以及国际组织的四对关系。其扎实的外交开局,为推动我国向“负责任大国”方向迈进奠定了良好基础。