首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   3694篇
  免费   134篇
各国政治   81篇
工人农民   168篇
世界政治   108篇
外交国际关系   165篇
法律   1111篇
中国共产党   291篇
中国政治   473篇
政治理论   418篇
综合类   1013篇
  2024年   4篇
  2023年   16篇
  2022年   25篇
  2021年   39篇
  2020年   82篇
  2019年   67篇
  2018年   93篇
  2017年   78篇
  2016年   94篇
  2015年   66篇
  2014年   153篇
  2013年   419篇
  2012年   261篇
  2011年   207篇
  2010年   193篇
  2009年   231篇
  2008年   245篇
  2007年   234篇
  2006年   230篇
  2005年   227篇
  2004年   224篇
  2003年   188篇
  2002年   170篇
  2001年   157篇
  2000年   72篇
  1999年   13篇
  1998年   9篇
  1997年   6篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   2篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   2篇
  1990年   4篇
  1989年   3篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
排序方式: 共有3828条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Self-determination theory emphasizes the importance of school-based autonomy and belongingness to academic achievement and psychological adjustment, and the theory posits a model in which engagement in school mediates the influence of autonomy and belongingness on these outcomes. To date, this model has only been evaluated on academic outcomes. Utilizing short-term longitudinal data (5-month timeframe) from a set of secondary schools in the rural Midwest (N = 283, M age = 15.3, 51.9% male, 86.2% White), we extend the model to include a measure of positive adjustment (i.e., hope). We also find a direct link between peer-related belongingness (i.e., peer support) and positive adjustment that is not mediated by engagement in school. A reciprocal relationship between academic autonomy, teacher-related belongingness (i.e., teacher support) and engagement in learning is supported, but this reciprocal relationship does not extend to peer-related belongingness. The implications of these findings for secondary schools are discussed.
Mark J. Van RyzinEmail:
  相似文献   
112.
21世纪初日本对外目标及外交战略探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
21世纪初期,日本在坚持“普通国家化”既定战略目标的基础上,从国家战略原则、战略重点及国家利益出发,围绕日美同盟、联合国外交、亚洲外交、应对全球气候变化等战略重点,力求以“全方位外交”实现日本国家对外目标及外交战略意图。  相似文献   
113.
A heated debate developed in South Africa as to the meaning of ‘deliberative democracy’. This debate is fanned by the claims of ‘traditional leaders’ that their ways of village-level deliberation and consensus-oriented decision-making are not only a superior process for the African continent as it evolves from pre-colonial tradition, but that it represents a form of democracy that is more authentic than the Western version. Proponents suggest that traditional ways of deliberation are making a come-back because imported Western models of democracy that focus on the state and state institutions miss the fact that in African societies state institutions are often seen as illegitimate or simply absent from people's daily lives. In other words, traditional leadership structures are more appropriate to African contexts than their Western rivals. Critics suggest that traditional leaders, far from being authentic democrats, are power-hungry patriarchs and authoritarians attempting to both re-invent their political, social and economic power (frequently acquired under colonial and apartheid rule) and re-assert their control over local-level resources at the expense of the larger community. In this view, the concept of deliberative democracy is being misused as a legitimating device for a politics of patriarchy and hierarchy, which is the opposite of the meaning of the term in the European and US sense. This article attempts to contextualise this debate and show how the efforts by traditional leaders to capture an intermediary position between rural populations and the state is fraught with conflicts and contradictions when it comes to forming a democratic state and society in post-apartheid South Africa.  相似文献   
114.
十一届三中全会以来,党的理论创新轨迹分为三个阶段。既继承前人又突破陈规、突出强调解放和发展生产力、维护最广大人民的根本利益、注重全面、协调、可持续发展是理论创新的四个显著特点。经济全球化、市场化及现代化则是中国共产党进行理论创新的三个重要推动力量。  相似文献   
115.
郑颖慧 《河北法学》2007,25(11):129-135
法家学说和秦代法制关系密切.法家学说是秦代法制建设的指导思想,秦代法制是法家学说的切实贯彻.探讨两者具体的契合关系,有助于深层次理解秦代法律文化及中国古代正统法律文化的形成及丰富内涵.  相似文献   
116.
加强公共危机管理是构建和谐社会的重要内容。警察临战是公共危机管理的重要组成部分,它为公共危机管理决策提供服务,为公共危机管理提供资源保障,它是公共危机管理的重要手段。危机管理是警察临战学的理论基础。  相似文献   
117.
社区警察人际交往的PAC理论及其训练模式   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
据警务专家统计分析,一名社区警察在工作中大部分的时间和精力是在同社区公众接触,为公众提供各类服务,而只有较少的时间才是面对真正的犯罪嫌疑人。如果社区警察不注重交往技能和心理调控训练,势必会影响警民关系,给社区警务工作带来不便。PAC理论为我们提供交往技能训练提供了理论依据,可以为我们对警察人际交往训练提供理论指导。  相似文献   
118.
侯学勇 《河北法学》2007,25(12):2-6
对于卡多佐,学界基本上认同他是一个实用论者.但是,如果单从社会效用论的实用观出发,我们很难理解在卡多佐的司法观念中对法官精英化意识和遵循先例的强调,两者与社会效用至上的实用观存有一定的冲突.通过对《司法过程的性质》进行分析,并结合符合论和融贯论的基本理论,指出卡多佐的实用主义或实用论的真理观并非是绝对的社会效用至上理论,而是对符合论和融贯论之优点的综合借鉴,所以社会效用与法官精英化意识和遵循先例观念并存.  相似文献   
119.
The notion of going from government to governance, known as the transformation thesis, as depicted in early Governance Theory has been subjected to substantive critique. This paper explores two different stances of such critique. The first critical stance is represented by Jonathan S. Davies’ 2011 book “Challenging Governance Theory: From networks to hegemony” and entails a radical rejection of the transformation thesis. The second stance offers a more moderate reconfiguration of the transformation thesis and is represented by the recently co-authored work of several prominent governance theorists titled “Interactive Governance: Advancing the paradigm”. While both aspire to set new agendas for governance research, this paper argues that the latter reconfiguration carries a problematic preposition towards overemphasizing the separation between government and governance practices.  相似文献   
120.
Declining levels of turnout are a problem in European elections. Are Get Out The Vote campaigns the solution to the problem? While many studies have investigated such campaigns in the US, little is known about their effect in Europe. The article presents a field experiment in which encouragement to vote in an upcoming Danish election is delivered to more than 60,000 first-time voters using direct personal letters. Eight different letters are designed, based on the calculus of voting and prospect theory. The sample is randomly divided into treatment groups or the control group. Using validated turnout, small positive effects of receiving a letter on turnout are found, with little difference across letters. The letters mostly mobilised voters with a low propensity to vote and thus increased equality in participation. In sum, while letters have some effect, they are not likely to be a panacea for solving Europe’s turnout challenges.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号