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1.
司法之政治性与其技术性一样,都是司法本身所固有的基本秉性。其中,技术性体现着司法的职业理性,它构成了司法过程的客观方面;政治性折射出司法的价值关怀,它构成了司法过程的主观方面。任何司法过程都包含主客观两个方面,因而也是政治性与技术性的有机统一。基于此,中国司法改革既要避免"泛政治化"倾向,又要反对"去政治化"主张。 相似文献
2.
This article assesses Kosovo's post-independence efforts to reform the civil-service system and establish a merit-based civil-service system. It also provides an overview of the relationship between civil service and other political institutions and asks whether the constitutional choices have—to a certain degree—influenced the existing design of the civil service. Moreover, the article exposes the current trend of politicization and describes the models through which the latter is developing. Finally, the article asks whether the current system of recruitment, promotion, and appointment of senior managing staff preconditions a political civil-service system. 相似文献
3.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):237-253
Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action. 相似文献
4.
30年代是中国20世纪学发展中的重要转折时期，在其后相当长的历史时期内的学论争，学讨论乃至学批评中，都能发现30年代学论争中所形成的一系列特点的遗存，因此，本的探讨对加深理解30年代乃至整个20世纪学的发展均有着重要的意义。章分别从学论争的起因，论争中各方所关注的重心、论争各方的心态，对话的基本方式以及看问题的角度等等方面，论述了中国20世纪30年代一系列重要学论争的最基本的也是最显的特征，并进而分析了这些特征得以形成的30年代特殊的政治化语境的根源。 相似文献
5.
民族国家与现代民族的政治性、国民性 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
现代民族起源于欧洲.伴随着西欧民族国家的诞生,民族的原生意义得到了扩展,进入了现代发展阶段.现代民族突破了古代民族受血缘、地缘、语言、文化等客观因素的限制,随着社会经济的发展,它还加强了人们对原有的民族共同体的政治认同,与此同时,要求建立主权在民的民主政体赋予了现代民族政治性和国民性. 相似文献
6.
The EU is committed to promoting human rights through its development policy. This article argues that its expansive human rights framework has led to EU‐internal and outside‐in politicization of LGBTI rights in Uganda. It views contestation as a mechanism of politicization and suggests two paths through which contestation occurs; based on the normative core or on the application of human rights conditionality. We establish these paths through a case study of politicization of LGBTI rights promotion in the Uganda–EU partnership. While member states' policies are more affected by political pressure from domestic constituents, EU institutions aim to depoliticize the issue and prioritizes diplomatic channels. Conversely, conditionality operates as a driver for contestation in beneficiary states. Whereas postcolonial studies interpret claims of universal rights as neo‐colonial intervention, our findings highlight a more nuanced applicatory contestation by rights activists. These actors insert themselves as change agents aiming to reshape the policies of international norm promoters. 相似文献
7.
This article highlights the role of external audiences and their perceptions in analysing the politicization of EU development policy. We analyse how EU foreign assistance is understood in two different intermediary arenas of politicization – elites in different societal sectors and media – within Ukraine, a major recipient of EU aid. By investigating to what extent EU assistance is perceived to be politicized, in terms of salience and polarization we contribute to the debate on outside‐in politicization. Applying a perceptual approach to EU foreign policy studies, we focus on Ukrainian images of Self in its relation to the EU as a development actor and on Ukraine's evaluations of EU assistance. We consult the theory of framing and propose an operationalization of salience in terms of visibility, cultural congruence and emotive charge. We use the typology of cognitive, evaluative and affective images from political psychology to operationalize the notion of polarization. 相似文献
8.
The European Union's development policy has become increasingly intertwined with other policy fields, which erodes the objectives of this policy domain in their own right. We specifically look at the linkages with migration policy, which has been a highly politicized EU policy domain. This article assesses the EU migration–development discursive linkages by addressing two related questions: how and to what extent has this nexus been politicized in Europe? We focus on two dimensions of politicization, namely salience and the polarization of opinions within the context of national parliaments. Through a conceptualization of argumentation lines this article sheds light on how the nexus has been translated into political communication by political actors. We conclude that there are varying, often opposing, argumentation lines on how the migration–development nexus is conceived – that are more complex than the distinction between ‘preventive’ and ‘restrictive’ approaches as identified in the literature on EU external migration policy. 相似文献
9.
This article explores the empirical relevance of researching outside‐in politicization processes in European studies. To this end, it examines to what extent and how civil society organizations (CSOs) have contributed to the politicization of EU policies towards Western Africa in two cases: the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements and the EU's engagement with the G5 Sahel. CSOs were strongly engaged in the trade negotiations, while they were largely excluded from the G5 Sahel process. In both cases this was due to CSOs' own initiatives, or the absence thereof, with these strongly linked to being either invited or discouraged by official actors. The article argues that authority transfer and the domestic context – including state fragility and state–society relations – are relevant to explaining the (non‐)involvement of CSOs in outside‐in politicization. 相似文献
10.
由于高科技或新技术本身具有一定的公共产品特性,并且决定着一个国家的综合国力,因此高科技的发展与一国内部政治及国家间竞争的关联度逐渐加大。一方面,企业利益进一步与国家利益重合,高科技跨国公司在开展跨国业务时愈发受到母国与东道国“政治正确”的规制;另一方面,在逆全球化背景下,国家对技术的理解形成了较为明确的技术主权观念,高科技跨国公司与母国之间的“捆绑”由此亦愈发明显。在此背景下,随着西方排他性技术同盟的形成,非西方的高科技跨国企业遭受打压的态势在中短期内并不会缓解,国家间、企业间的技术合作将极大受阻,全球技术进步的成本和门槛也将因此显著提升,最终影响人类的整体利益。对中国而言,一方面,要继续扩大开放,坚持技术多边主义,积极推动跨国技术合作;另一方面,仍需凸显技术进步过程中的国家角色,建构国家引导下的以高科技跨国企业为主体的技术创新体系,最终实现关键核心技术的自主可控。 相似文献