From Politics to Performance: How Perceived Support Matters for Public Organizations

Research on support for educational institutions has ebbed and flowed with much of the focus directed toward internal mechanisms including teachers, administrators, and staff. This study stresses the importance of support from external environments and tests its influence on student achievement. Using panel data from over 1000 public schools, empirical results suggest that support increases test scores and daily attendance. The findings encourage scholars to consider the politics of educational environments and delve deeper into the consequences of external drivers for the performance of public schools.     

第一个政党性的国际工人组织——第一国际光芒四射

1864年成立的国际工人协会,史称第一国际.从马克思为它起草的成立宣言和共同章程可以看出,它不是一般的群众性的国际工人组织,而是第一个政党性的国际工人组织.它旨在从上而下促进各国建立工人阶级政党,领导工人阶级夺取政权,实现工人阶级解放.第一国际存在12年.它大力支持各国工人争取自身权益的斗争和被压迫民族的民族解放运动.它促进了第一个工人阶级政党德国社会民主工党的建立和第一个工人政权巴黎公社的事业.它促进了马克思主义战胜各种非科学社会主义流派,促进了科学社会主义的发展.它的历史地位是在以前的共产主义同盟和以后的第二国际之间承前启后、继往开来的桥梁和引擎.当今学习第一国际的历史,有特别重要的现实意义.     

Kinship Family Relatedness,Nuclear Family Contact,and Social Support Among Foster Youth

Using a sample of 16-year-old youth placed with kinship foster families in California, the current study examines the relationship between kinship foster family structure and foster youth's biological family contact and support. Latent class analysis was used to examine differences in family structure based on the relatedness between foster youth and other members of the kinship family household. Subsequently, the respective relationships among household structure and foster youths' characteristics, experiences, and biological family contact and support were examined. We find that the kinship families serving foster youth are represented by four distinct household types, including sibling and grandparent households. Kinship family household type is found to be statistically significantly associated with youths' contact with siblings, closeness to caregivers, and perceived social support. Implications for kinship foster family scholarship are discussed.     

社会支持对女性服刑人员抑郁情绪的影响

以354名女性服刑人员为被试,采用问卷调查的方法,考察社会支持对女性服刑人员抑郁情绪的影响,结果发现:不同文化程度的女性服刑人员抑郁状况有显著的差异,社会支持与抑郁水平有显著的负相关。结论:女性服刑人员比较容易出现抑郁情绪,而社会支持在一定程度上可以缓解抑郁状况。     

中国特色社会主义公正理论的价值分析

中国特色社会主义公正理论是马克思主义公正理论中国化的最新成果,是中国特色社会主义理论体系的重要组成部分,是实现中国社会公正的指导思想,无论是在理论上还是在实践上,都具有极其重要的理论价值和实践价值。     

Identities and the Indian state: An overview

The importance that IR theorists have traditionally given to sovereign statehood has decreased their ability to explain new issues of global heterogeneity and diversity. The need to explain the end of the cold war, the disintegration of the former Soviet Union and the revival of old identities as well as the eruption of ethnic conflict in various parts of the world has, therefore, led to the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The concept of nation-state in international relations is based on the assumption that humanity is divided into nations and each nation is entitled to a state of its own. Although a state can exist without a nation it does not have the same legitimacy as a nation-state. Thus post colonial states like India, which are often considered to have artificial boundaries and are made up of many ethnic groups, feel obliged to embark on nation-building and prove that they are a nation-state even though homogeneous nation-states are a dwindling minority. The rise of the BJP in India emphasises the importance of religious and cultural identities but still does not prove that India is a nation. There has always been a tension between national and subnational identities in India. Not everyone who lives within the territorial borders of India considers him/herself to be an Indian nationalist-for example, Kashmiris seeking independence. The central government has always been aware of this and has always given priority to the preservation of the unity and integrity of the country. Indeed the constitution of India, while giving recognition to the fact that India is a multi-ethnic state, does not given anyone the right to secede from the Union. However, it is difficult to say how far India has progressed in the past 50 years beyond mere political integration and towards the creation of a nation-state through the transfer of loyalties from regional or ethnic groups to the nation, whose legal expression is the Indian Union. In the long run this is the only thing that will preserve the Indian state as it exists today.     

Turning off the Taps: The Termination of State Sponsorship

ABSTRACT

Why do some states terminate their sponsorship of rebel movements while others are persistent in their provision of support? In the past, most research on external support to insurgents has focused on why states choose to sponsor rebel groups and particularly how this affects conflict duration. However, we know little about the termination of such support. This is surprising given that support has been shown to make armed conflicts more intractable and tremendous efforts are made in condemning and sanctioning such behavior. This study constitutes the first large-N analysis of support termination, employing survival analysis on global data of state support to rebel movements between 1975–2009. Surprisingly, the findings indicate that only some of the factors that explain support provision can offer insights into its termination. In particular, support is more likely to be terminated when no ethnic kinship bonds exist between the rebel movement and the government of the supporting state. Many decisions to withdraw support also seem to coincide with the transition from the Cold War. Threats and sanctions from other states appear largely ineffective. The study contributes to our understanding of the international dimensions of civil war and the role and motives of third parties.     

Long-term monarchical survival in the Middle East: a configurational comparison, 1945–2012

The survival of eight monarchies during the “Arab Uprisings” has put centre stage the fundamental question about the durability of this subtype of authoritarian regime. Seen from a broader historical perspective, however, the idea that monarchies have an inherent advantage in retaining power is less evident: a number of authoritarian monarchies broke down and subsequently became republics (Egypt 1952, Iraq 1958, North Yemen 1962, Libya 1969, Iran 1979), while others survived (Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates). To account for these divergent long-term pathways we systematically compare the 13 current and former Middle East monarchies. Using a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), we concentrate on five central explanatory factors derived from previous research – namely, external support, rent revenues, family participation, the monarch's claim to legitimate rule, and hard repression. Our findings highlight the existence of three broad pathways to monarchical survival – linchpin monarchies, like Jordan and Morocco, versus the dynastic Gulf monarchies – and also reveal a possible hybrid third pathway, one which shares linchpin characteristics, but relates to cases on the Arabian Peninsula (Oman and the historical Imamate in North Yemen).     

Party systems in Latin America: institutionalization,decay, and collapse,edited by Scott Mainwaring

Although coming of age under a totalitarian regime drastically reduces the chances of acquiring democratic values or supporting democracy, factors other than the formal nature of the political regime shape political values as well. The informal structure of the political regime, which consists of rules developed in political practice and economic and human development, may shape individual values and attitudes and produce different attitudes towards democracy in different totalitarian regimes. This article focuses on the effect of early socialization on the support for democracy among citizens who have been ruled under two different non-democratic regimes. We compare the dynamics in Spain and Romania during the post-totalitarian period with the aim of identifying how coming of age operated in these two different totalitarian regimes and how each type of non-democratic regime affected the legitimacy of the new democratic rule. Using survey data from various sources (Standard Eurobarometer, Central and Eastern Eurobarometer and Candidate Countries Eurobarometer) that allow both longitudinal and cross-sectional comparisons, we decompose the social change in support for democracy over the post-totalitarian period in both countries using cross-classified fixed effects models. The analyses demonstrate the different effects of socialization on support for democracy in these two different totalitarian contexts.     

警察维权困境与出路——基于合法性视角的观察

警察权益受损可以通过合法性视角而得到观察。它是合法性形式规范结构体系不完整和实质指向发生偏差的综合反映,是制度化不力的结果。合法性困境的一面是警察权益受损,另一面则是公民权益受损。社会变迁加剧了这种局面,但也展示了变革的趋向。改变这一困境的出路在于制度化建设,其基本路径是：在价值取向上,公民权具有优先性,警察权威的树立应与公民权的保护相一致;在实践上,秩序具有优先性,公民权只有在秩序之下才能逐步完善,因而,警察权威的树立应先行。在此种格局下,警察权益受损是社会变迁的代价,其救济主要通过警察组织内部途径而予以实现。司法救济只能通过补偿警察作为公民权益受损而实现。作为公权的警察权益只有在公民权得到根本改善的前提下才能在司法渠道上得以实现,而这是一个长期的过程。