The Fate of the State Revisited

The State, which during the three and a half centuries since the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) has been the most important and the most characteristic of all modern institutions, appears to be declining or dying. In many places, existing states are either combining into larger communities or falling apart; in many places, organizations that are not states are challenging them by means fair or foul. On the international level, we seem to be moving away form a system of separate, sovereign, legally equal, states towards less distinct, more hierarchical, and in many ways more complex political structures. Inside their borders, it seems that many states will soon no longer be able to protect the political, military, economic, social and cultural life of their citizens. These developments are likely to lead to upheavals as profound as those that took humanity out of the middle ages and into the modern world. Whether the direction of change is desirable, as some hope, or undesirable, as others fear, remains to be seen.     

论任意雇佣原则在美国劳动法中的衰落

从19世纪末开始,美国普通法上形成的任意雇佣原则授予雇主任意解雇员工的权力而不要求其承担任何法律责任,对劳动者权利保护甚为不利。考虑到绝对任意雇佣原则所带来的种种消极影响,在许多方面已经不适应现代劳资关系的发展,美国立法机关和各州法院已经形成该原则的多项普通法例外,任意雇佣原则逐步走向衰落。由于任意雇佣原则在美国社会长期实行,拥有深厚的社会基础,动用立法权和司法权等国家权力也并非以废止该原则为目标,因此迄今为止其仍然是调整美国雇佣关系的重要规则。     

股指下降期价量关系及底部区域价量弹性预测

基于趋势原理可从股票成交量中分解出促进下降的成交量,再依据经济学弹性概念可建立价量弹性系数来反映股票价量之间的匹配关系.研究表明:促进下降的成交量是收益的Granger原因,在股指下降期间是此成交量导致了股票价格继续下降;同时,由于股指下降期的底部区域会通过价量关系表现出来,通过考察价量弹性系数指标的变动,股指下降期的底部区域是完全可以预测的.     

The fragility of an independent judiciary: Lessons from Hungary and Poland–and the European Union

When the European Union was founded, it was assumed that all Member States admitted as consolidated democracies would maintain their constitutional commitments. In recent years, Hungary and Poland have challenged this premise as elected autocratic governments in those countries have captured independent institutions and threatened long-term democracy. The judiciaries of these countries have been hard hit. In this paper, we trace what has happened to the judiciaries in Hungary and Poland, showing how first the constitutional courts and then the ordinary judiciary have been brought under the control of political forces so that there is no longer a separation of law and politics. We also explore why the European Union has so far not been able to stop this process. In the end, the European judiciary, particularly the Court of Justice, is attempting a rescue of national judiciaries, but the results are so far unclear.     

Electoral competition and democratic decline in Nicaragua: uncovering an electorally viable platform for the right

Between the 1980s and 2006 Nicaragua was a competitive democracy where parties of the left and right won national presidential elections and relinquished power when their terms ended. More recently the quality of Nicaragua’s democracy has deteriorated. This change is due partly to autocratic behaviour by the elected leftist president, Daniel Ortega. But democratic decline is also the result of factional divisions and vague, outmoded policy commitments on the right that have crippled its electoral competitiveness, enabling Ortega’s behaviour. Utilizing an experimental research design, this article identifies two modernized policy platforms that could significantly broaden rightist electoral support in presidential campaigns, aiding democratic resurgence in Nicaragua. At a point when opposition parties are struggling to retain strength and coherence in many other democracies, the study presents a research strategy that could help clarify the ways such parties might reinvigorate their electoral competitiveness.     

试论避难权及其相关法律问题

国际法中的避难权,是基于出入境权,与驱逐外国人出境权、不将避难者推回绝境义务和驱逐出境抗辩程序权相对抗、共平衡的一项基本人权。避难权的本质是国家限制,国家没有国际义务给予其庇护。国家有权利驱逐未经许可入境或者许可入境后逾期不离境者对抗避难权。但是,只有完全履行不将避难者推回绝境义务、尊重驱逐出境抗辩程序权,驱逐外国人出境才是可以接受的。单独分析、实施其中任何一项,都会导致理论上理解的片面,和实践中处理与难民有关问题的不妥当。     

后现代主义身份政治的衰颓与新民粹主义的崛起

20世纪70、80年代,资本主义进入一个相对稳定的发展时期,大规模阶级斗争相对缓和,新自由主义乘势崛起。作为新自由主义主流运动的补充,后现代主义身份政治发展起来。后现代主义身份政治从经济决定论转向文化和意识形态决定论,从大规模集体行动的逻辑转向分散的斗争。美国金融危机以来,大规模社会运动复兴,经济议题回到政治运动的中心,后现代主义身份政治的文化和自我意识革命逐步衰颓,新民粹主义乘势崛起。在聚焦经济议题和强调集体行动方面,新民粹主义和后现代主义身份政治迥然不同,但是从强调族群的文化和身份差异的角度来说,新民粹主义又把后现代主义身份政治发展到了极端。后现代主义身份政治是与金融资本的上升期相适应的,新民粹主义是与金融资本的下降期相适应的,但二者都因不理解金融资本的本性而把民众运动引向了错误的方向。只有社会主义民主运动才能赋予民众运动以正确的方向。     

鹅副黏病毒NP蛋白间接ELISA检测方法的建立及免疫鹅抗体水平的检测

以纯化的鹅副黏病毒NP蛋白为包被抗原,建立了检测鹅副黏病毒NP蛋白抗体的间接ELISA方法,并确定了间接ELISA的最适反应条件:抗原包被浓度为1.0μg/mL,血清稀释度为1∶200,兔抗鹅IgG辣根过氧化物酶标记抗体稀释度为1∶2 000,抗原和血清、血清和二抗均于37℃反应1 h,底物于37℃显色15 min。此间接ELISA方法的特异性强、重复性好。应用该方法对试验鹅血清进行检测,以HI试验为参照。经统计学处理后,比较了两方法测得的抗体效价,分别建立了各组鹅群的回归方程。显著性检验证明,这两种方法检测的抗体效价呈显著相关关系。     

From apathy to obsession: the reactions of A. K. Chesterton and the British far right to imperial decline

ABSTRACT

Mulhall sets out to explain how, contrary to what one might expect, imperial decline was rarely a pressing issue for the British far right, usually falling below both the perceived threats of Communism and immigration on their list of priorities. By first explaining these unexpected findings and then placing them in an international comparative context, new evidence emerges that supports those imperial historians who subscribe to the ‘minimal impact’ orthodoxy regarding the effect of empire on the metropole. In addition, however, those aspects of the radical right that did concern themselves with imperial decline, namely A. K. Chesterton and the League of Empire Loyalists, are explored in depth, revealing a peculiarly British form of conspiratorial antisemitism that blamed imperial decline on secret Jewish power. This strand of conspiracy thinking, best articulated by Chesterton, is traced back to its origin so as to illuminate the continuity of ideas and ideologies between the interwar and post-war periods within the British far right. The result is an article that contributes to several existing historiographical debates and provides an exploration of a less well-known aspect of the work of A. K. Chesterton and conspiratorial antisemitism more generally.