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31.
Sophia Wilson 《后苏联事务》2017,33(4):298-312
This paper analyzes judicial and police behavior in dealing with cases of family violence and divorce in Tajikistan and Azerbaijan. Police and judges deliberately violate existing legal provisions to prevent women from divorcing or filing charges against their husbands in cases of domestic violence. While the law does not recognize religious marriages in Tajikistan, judges often rule to protect women’s living space after the dissolution of such unions. Drawing on rich interview and archival data, this behavior is explained by showing that judicial and police behavior reflects their biases, which in turn are a reflection of majoritarian norms in these countries. Since current laws are derived from Soviet codes, which were never internalized by the population, police and judges bend them to fit their understanding of social justice. 相似文献
32.
Renato Tomei Rajendra Chetty 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2017,12(2):19-32
This article features the personal experiences of a young African woman victim of trafficking and smuggling from Nigeria to Italy. The aim of the article is to provide a counter-narrative on the phenomenon of human trafficking, by engaging with the youth’s lived experiences. The story forms part of a wider database of youth counter-narratives, gathered by the authors in different parts of the world (Italy, South Africa, and Ethiopia). The narrative will be discussed on the basis of four identified elements, and the reflection addresses them within the wider context of trafficking, smuggling, and human migration. The conclusion drawn is that the language of youth counter-narratives can represent a useful tool to address the complexity of social issues, in particular when they refer to lived experiences of youngsters who have been subjected to different forms of oppression and violence. It also represents a sort of liberation from cultural homogenisation, forcing the readers to engage with a “new humanism.” 相似文献
33.
ABSTRACT Do framing strategies that are effective at encouraging pro-social behavior, such as participation in human rights campaigns, also mobilize support for violence within the same subjects? We use an experimental research design to examine individuals’ reactions to personal, humanizing narratives about past victimization. Participants are randomly assigned to one of eight treatment groups, which variously highlighted the humanity of the subject, the intensity of the past violence, and/or an evocative photograph of the subject that underscores her loss and vulnerability. We expect narratives that emphasize the subject’s humanity will encourage the audience to see the subject as innocent and as a victim, but also to feel angry about her experience. As a result, individuals will be more likely to defend the subject’s human rights, and to condone her use of retributive violence. We find that humanizing narratives lead respondents to simultaneously support a human rights appeal on the subject’s behalf and her use of retributive violence. Perceiving the subject in the narrative as innocent or as a victim mediates these effects, but anger often does not. 相似文献
34.
暴力危及飞行安全罪的直接结果是被施暴者人身伤亡,构成要件结果是危及飞行安全,侵犯客体是飞行安全,主观方面包括故意和过失。暴力包括一切足以危及飞行安全的暴力;在飞行中是指在空中飞行中,不包括在跑道上滑行或停止状态;严重后果是指危及飞行安全的严重后果,不包括直接结果。 相似文献
35.
随着社会的发展和文明的进步,女性在社会和家庭中地位不断提高,并发挥着越来越重要的作用。但女性暴力犯罪也日益突出并受到社会各界的关注。因此,研究女性暴力犯罪问题迫在眉睫。 相似文献
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This study examined gender differences in cross-gender violence perpetration and victimization (ranging from mild, e.g., push,
to severe, e.g., assault with a knife or gun) and attitudes toward dating conflict, among an urban sample of 601 early adolescents
(78% African-American). Comparisons across gender groups for cross-gender (e.g., female-to-male) violence perpetration and
victimization indicated higher levels of perpetration for girls and higher levels of victimization for boys. Girls also reported
higher levels of verbal and physical violence toward partners with regard to attitudes toward dating conflict. A path model
was specified and indicated that cross-gender violence perpetration, harsh parenting, peer deviance, low family income, and
neighborhood hazards accounted for significant variation in attitudes toward dating conflict. Findings were discussed regarding
the need to identify developmental precursors of dating violence in early adolescence and to focus prevention efforts on components
(e.g., social skills, coping strategies) necessary to prevent the onset and escalation of adolescent dating violence.
相似文献
Sylvie MrugEmail: |
39.
AbstractDrawing historical comparisons between the nineteenth century and the present, this paper describes and analyses how an elite section of the global rich, through mega-giving and a re-emerging notion of ‘noblesse oblige’ that is enshrined in the philanthrocapitalism movement, have fostered a sacred rationale for their extreme wealth. Not only do the new nobles hold the power of wealth but, through mega-giving, they generate a moral imagery akin to religious figures who ostensibly self-sacrifice for the good of everyone else. This generates a form of charismatic authority that affords the super-rich an influential space from which to spread a ‘theodicy of privilege’ – shielding growing wealth concentration from criticism and sanctifying the claim that individual mega-wealth is collectively beneficial. Through its contribution to and facilitation of the inegalitarian status quo, this theodicy engenders various forms of structural violence. Here we explore the mechanisms that enable wealthy donors to position themselves as apparent benefactors of humanity, including a reliance on metrics that appear to justify the claim that targeted philanthropic expenditures can and are reducing global wealth and health inequalities, but which raise unanswered questions surrounding the actual effects of the outcomes claimed. 相似文献
40.
Jos Midas Bartman 《Democratization》2018,25(7):1093-1113
Journalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country’s general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism. 相似文献