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Flagg Miller 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2019,12(2):185-209
Discourse on terrorist violence has long facilitated an especially liberal form of securitisation. Originally evoked in reference to anarchists and communists, a rational consideration of terrorist violence, inaugurated by the concept, asks for deferred judgement about the nature of, or reasons behind, violence related to terror on the premise that state and international legal norms governing the legitimate use of violence fail to circumscribe the proper capacities of the state to regulate and explain terrorism. Where sovereign powers along with their military and civilian instruments of coercion are deemed unable to regulate violence effectively, analysts of terrorist violence and their readership are invited to consider and cultivate new sensibilities. Beginning in the 1980s, studies by psychologists found renewed urgency among a growing cadre of interdisciplinary terror experts who found religion, Islam especially, a key variable of analysis. I situate their contributions in a longer history of secular and racialising discourse about terrorist violence. Central to this history are practices of reading, translating, interpreting and archiving texts. Evidence for the argument is based on the analysis of an algorithm that allegedly predicts the likelihood of terrorist strikes by counting words spoken by al-Qa?ida leaders and correlating their frequency with over 30 psychological categories. 相似文献
64.
Child abuse often coexists with intimate partner violence. However, limited studies incorporate both phenomena in a single study. Moreover, the examination of female-on-male violence is an important development. Hence, an intrinsic case study of domestic violence is presented to provide insights regarding the nature and impact of female-perpetrated violence. The research approach was qualitative and demonstrated that a model for abusive behavior seems to be similar for both sexes. The data revealed theoretical trends such as the reality of an intergenerational transmission of violence into adulthood, as well as abusive partners presenting with borderline traits. 相似文献
65.
Vaughn Mitchell John 《圆桌》2019,108(1):37-47
For most foreign nationals of African origin who lived in South Africa during 2008 and 2015, this period will be remembered with horror and fear. These were the years when South Africa’s growing culture of xenophobia matured into mass deadly violence. This violence has been widely reported in the press and is the subject of much scholarly engagement. The pre-migration life stories of many who take refuge in South Africa are laden with violence but such narratives are less well known and reported. The forces at home that propel migration are frequently excessively violent and traumatic. Once in South Africa, many migrants experience further violence and vulnerability in their places of refuge, as in 2008 and 2015. The violence fuelling migration and characterising refuge are thus tragic combinations of multiple forms of physical, symbolic and structural violence. In identifying repeated cycles of trauma, dehumanisation and vulnerability, this article discusses the pleas of migrants for better understanding, formal recognition and support from South African citizens and the government. Finally, the role of peace education, including healing interventions, for creating greater justice and harmony between foreign nationals and their host communities is discussed. 相似文献
66.
Yuliya Zabyelina 《后苏联事务》2019,35(4):277-292
During and after the Euromaidan, the Ukrainian society experienced an emergence of non-state groups that combined elements of civic activism and paramilitarism. They operated independently from the state and often used extra-legal violence to restore law and order, deliver justice, and protect Ukraine from external and internal threats. Their conduct closely resembles vigilantism. This article draws on the body of criminological and sociological research on vigilantism in order to understand the diverse landscape of vigilante groups in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. It explores the complex relationship between the most representative vigilante groups, the Ukrainian government, and the political and business elites; analyzes the legal boundaries of vigilantism in Ukraine; and discusses the outcomes of vigilante justice for democratic consolidation, rule of law, and human rights. This article offers a new paradigm for theorizing popular mobilization in Ukraine and sheds light on important dimensions of the formation of an informal system of policing and justice. 相似文献
67.
Why did the Punjab bear the brunt of the mass violence and the migration that accompanied the partition of India? This paper makes the case for analytical eclecticism by showing that the following three explanations – centred respectively on democratisation, nationalism, and ideas; the commitment problem; and the security dilemma – account for the violence/migration in the different stages in the run-up to the partition of India. Instead of arguing that ‘everything mattered’, this paper elucidates the complex causality at work by demonstrating how these factors interacted with one another during the different stages leading to India’s partition. 相似文献
68.
邵岳蕊 《国家检察官学院学报》2007,15(4):34-37
家庭暴力是古今中外家庭中常见的一种带有普遍性的丑恶现象,是一个全球性的问题.家庭暴力是指家庭成员中的一方对另一方施暴的行为,在我国有渐次多发的趋势,给正常的家庭关系造成了严重的损害,现已成为社会稳定的重要杀手.在对家庭暴力行为进行道德上的谴责与法律上的防治、惩戒之外,我们应制定专门的反家庭暴力法,纳入刑法体系,以期在预防、制止和惩治家庭暴力,构建和谐社会方面发挥应有的作用. 相似文献
69.
暴力袭警:警察权威弱化的危险信号——从社会秩序结构谈暴力袭警产生的深层原因及对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李怀泽 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2006,18(5):60-63,73
近年来,暴力袭警案件频繁发生,而且并未得到有效的遏制。暴力袭警的根本原因是警察权威的弱化。因此,解决暴力袭警问题的根本对策是警察权威的重新构筑和强化。分析警察权威,必须从社会秩序结构入手,搞清警察权威、治安规则和警察客体三者之间的内在联系。 相似文献
70.
反家庭暴力的对策研究 --以法制观教育为视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
家庭暴力问题越来越为世界所关注,各国在反家庭暴力的对策研究与实践方面也取得了显著的进步.我国反家庭暴力工作还仅仅处于起步阶段,针对家庭暴力产生的原因及现状,我国必须加强反家庭暴力法制观教育.反家庭暴力法制观是依法治国方略与精神文明建设的重要内容,它有助于公民法律信仰的培植、法制环境的净化及社会救助体系的完备.以教育内容、教育客体、教育途径和方法为要件构建我国反家庭暴力法制观教育体系,能从根本上遏止家庭暴力的产生,是我国反家庭暴力的重要对策之一. 相似文献