Gender,Ethnicity, and Education as Privileges: Exploring the Generalizability of the Existential Guilt Reaction

Two cross-sectional questionnaire studies were conducted to replicate and extend previous research on the existential guilt reaction. In Study I, gender was considered as a privilege. Male student participants (N = 141) were confronted with the low proportion of women in high-ranking positions and asked to appraise this situation. Self-reported behavior, behavioral intentions, and appeal to authorities aimed at advancing equal opportunities for both genders served as criterion variables. Path analyses were performed to explore the correlation structure among the variables. Self-reported behavior depended most strongly on behavioral intentions and on belief in control. Behavioral intentions depended most strongly on existential guilt. This effect accords to previous existential guilt research. Ethnicity and education were considered as privileges in Study II. Privileged Paraguayan students (N = 80) were confronted with the disadvantageous living conditions of Indians and Campesinos. They were asked to appraise the situation. Behavioral intentions and appeal to authorities directed at improving the living conditions of Indians and Campesinos served as criteria. As in Study I, existential guilt was the strongest predictor of behavioral intentions. Study II revealed the role of values in the process of existential guilt and prosocial behavior. This is a new research finding. Indirect effects of the two values of universalism and benevolence on behavioral intentions were obtained. The effect of universalism was mediated by existential guilt and moral outrage, the effect of benevolence was mediated by injustice and existential guilt. Tradition had a negative indirect effect on behavioral intentions. This effect was mediated by justification of deprivation and probably means that adherence to tradition eases the justification of traditionally existing social inequalities in a society.     

紧急状态对西方法治的挑战及其理论反思

运用紧急权应对紧急状态已经成为一个日益棘手的问题。西方的法治与紧急状态是矛盾的。我国的法治及其民主建设应该从西方法治与紧急状态之间的矛盾汲取有益的经验和教训。     

构建我国证人反对被迫自证其罪特权制度的设想

我国证人出庭作证制度极不完善,尤其是证人权利义务设置失衡,证人的应有权利缺乏保障,导致证人出庭作证难,拒证现象严重。反对被迫自证其罪特权是证人的一项必不可少的权利,它已得到世界众多国家以及联合国公约的认可。构建我国证人反对被迫自证其罪特权制度对于改善我国证人作证的现状,切实保障证人合法权益是非常重要的。     

从肖志军案引发的法律问题思考

肖志军案被社会和理论界所关注源于目前针对医疗违法阻却理由的混淆和概念模糊，笔者从违法阻却理由理论人手，试图穷尽所有医疗领域中的违法阻却理由。笔者结合肖志军案件指出了我国立法的缺陷和不足，并介绍了美国判例法中的医疗特权，进而提出我国立法亟待明确医疗特权的范畴，以便于避免此类悲剧的再次发生。     

论知情同意的豁免

本文围绕医疗实务中的知情同意豁免，首先讨论了知情同意豁免规则的法律政策，详细分析了紧急情形豁免、治疗豁免、知情同意权的放弃和强制治疗这四种豁免情形，简述了医务人员在适用知情同意豁免规则时可能的法律责任。     

令人警醒的特权感知:当前领导干部对特权现象感知状况的实证分析

领导干部的特权感知是认识官场特权现象的特殊视角。调查显示,领导干部对于官场特权现象感知强烈,具体表现为:特权思想严重、特权行为多样、特权关系复杂、特权危害严重。特权现象具有寄生性、虚假性、垄断性、不平等性和扩张性等本质属性,在官场中呈现出特权群体广泛、"关键部门"和"关键环节"特权现象明显、制度性特权明显的特征。调查对象认为政治建设、法治建设的不足是滋生特权的关键因素,他们认同制度建设、思想教育和强化监督等治理措施,并对中央开展特权治理充满期待,但对治理前景持谨慎态度。     

再谈公车改革

推动公车改革，遏制公车腐败，是一项能够消减腐败土壤，提升党的形象，获取公众支持，进而巩固党的执政地位的工作。公车改革探索已走过18个年头，虽然取得了一定成效，但仍然没有达到理想效果，距离节约、高效、廉洁的目标还有一定差距。深刻认识公车改革与巩固党的执政地位的关系，积极推进公车改革，有效遏制公车腐败，仍然是一个必须解决的重要问题。     

Amendment Of China＇s Criminal Procedure Law Highlights Human Rights Protection：on Privilege Against Self- Incrimination and Exclusionary Rule

此次我国《刑事诉讼法》修改,规定了不得强迫任何人证实自己有罪,还增加了非法证据排除的规定。这些新增内容之间存在紧密联系,每一项又有各自的意义。“不强迫自证其罪”条款是“尊重和保障人权”的进一步体现,关系到我国刑事侦查、检察和司法部门的职责和个人权利的保障;非法证据排除是落实不强迫自证其罪的具体措施,通过约束侦查部门取证行为对侵犯个人权利提供了补救措施。这些都是我国《刑事诉讼法》在原则性和制度方面的重大修改。文章详细研究了新增加的这些条款的确切含义,指出其中的进步意义,分析了存在的问题,提出执行新增加的这些法律条文必须注意的事项。     

反对强迫自证其罪特权及其诉讼理念

沉默权是反对强迫自证其罪权在刑事诉讼中的体现与保障措施。反对自证其罪特权强调控辩双方的平等 ,体现的是程序公正观。反对自证其罪特权使犯罪嫌疑人 ,被告人的人权保护获得了空前提高。我国设立的反对自证其罪特权应有若干例外规定     

Transnational activists,news media representations,and racialized ‘politics of life’: the Christian Peacemaker Team kidnapping in Iraq

In late 2005, four antiwar activists with a group called Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT) were kidnapped in Baghdad. Two of the men were identified as Canadian citizens, and the other two were an American and a Briton. In March 2006, after nearly four months in captivity, three of the men were rescued through a military operation involving British, American, Canadian, and Iraqi forces, and they were returned to their countries of residence. This essay explores the racialized privileges of Western citizenship status, and in particular, its deployment in transnational (referring to the physical crossing of national borders) interventions made by such activists. Moreover, this essay seeks to understand and reveal the vast distinction between those who carry the privilege of Western citizenship and those who do not, and the subversive possibilities within such asymmetrical power relations. By using media representations of this kidnapping as the focal point of the analysis, this essay explores how racialization and sexuality work together to construct both Western citizenship and national identity.