超网络视角的区域经济发展研究--一个内生发展的理论框架

关联是区域经济的本质特征。文章从分析经济要素间关联入手,扩展到企业间、产业间和区域间关联,构建了"要素-企业-产业-区域"超网络。基于超网络,分析了单区域经济发展与多区域经济协同的内在机理,从理论假设、理论模型、理论应用三个方面描述了基于超网络的区域经济发展理论,指出超网络的非均衡结构提供了区域经济发展的内生动力,得出外生动力借由内生动力产生乘数效应促进经济发展的结论,丰富了区域经济发展理论,为政策、制度的精准制定提供了可行视角,为定量研究奠定了理论基础。     

Reframing the rising powers debate: state transformation and foreign policy

Abstract

The volume that we introduce breaks with the prevalent tendency in International Relations (IR) scholarship to treat rising powers (such as China, Russia, India and Brazil) as unitary actors in international politics. Although a neat demarcation of the domestic and international domains, on which the notion of unitary agency is premised, has always been a myth, these states’ uneven integration into the global political economy has eroded this perspective’s empirical purchase considerably. Instead, this collection advances the concept of ‘state transformation’ as a useful lens through which to examine rising power states’ foreign policymaking and implementation. State transformation refers to the pluralisation of cross-border state agency via contested and uneven processes of fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of state apparatuses. The volume demonstrates the significance of state transformation processes for explaining some of these states’ most important foreign policy agendas, and outlines the implications for the wider field in IR.     

中国省域治理对经济高质量发展的影响研究

良好治理是经济发展的重要保障,中国目前处于经济增长方式转型的关键时期,弄清楚良好治理与经济高质量发展的关系意义深远。基于中国省级面板数据(2001-2016),研究发现:良好治理具有显著的高质量经济发展效应,且该效应存在显著的边际递减现象;良好治理的高质量经济发展效应受到经济发展水平、地区异质性和时期异质性的显著影响;如果不考虑内生性,就容易高估良好治理的高质量经济发展效应。因此,要以自由贸易经济制度体系为目标,充分借鉴国际通行规则和经验,以更大的勇气掀起新一轮改革开放;因地制宜、有所侧重,分类推进东、中、西三大区域治理改善,特别是有效缓解西部地区面临的中等收入陷阱风险。     

Brazilian Regional Leadership Revisited: Testing the Long-Term Determinants of South American Followership (1995–2015)

Over the last twenty years, Brazil has staked successive claims to regional leadership, with varying explicitness and unclear success. What factors explain the acceptance or rejection of such claims by South American countries? This article summarises the literature on regional powers and frames regional powerhood as arising from geographical belonging, resources, and will to lead; and leadership/followership as stemming from exclusivity, hierarchy/influence, consensus, and provision. By analysing panel data on Brazil and South America from 1995 to 2015, the study concludes that Brasilia enjoyed higher followership in situations characterised by high exclusivity and consensus, and low hierarchy and provision. These conditions were present in South America in the 1990s, thus rendering that decade more receptive to Brazilian leadership.     

A Revised List of Wars Between and Within Independent States, 1816-2002

This paper merges constructivist theoretical insights into the rival role identity, rival role relationships, and the resulting culture of anarchy that characterizes the interstate system with recent empirical measures of rivalry. This project is carried out through an examination of the Latin American regional subsystem, which has already received some attention from analysts concerned with interstate culture, largely because of the relative lack of interstate conflict in the region. The dyadic relationships of 17 Latin American states and the culture they produce are examined between 1948 and 1992. The paper employs simultaneous equation modeling to capture aspects of the co-constitution of these agents and structures, consistent with constructivist theory. The results indicate that the Lockean culture of anarchy and the adoption of a dyadic rival role relationship are affected by a variety of factors emphasized by realists, liberals, and constructivists in the Latin American context.     

Oslo and Its Aftermath: Lessons Learned from Track Two Diplomacy

Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of “track two” diplomacy to the Israeli–Palestinian case. It reports on a self‐reflection effort by numerous Israeli–Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. The research presented is based on an inventory of seventy‐nine track two projects that occurred between Israelis and Palestinians between 1992 and 2004, personal interviews with many of those who organized and oversaw these projects, and two focus group meetings that brought together a total of forty practitioners. In this article, we seek to better understand two issues: (1) how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and (2) how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Our findings present an overall picture of the Israeli–Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice. Among the trends we have identified are the following: during the peace process years, more track two initiatives were undertaken with elite/professional participants than with representatives of the grassroots, but in the subsequent decade‐and‐a‐half, Israeli–Palestinian grassroots, track two initiatives gradually replaced senior‐level track two exchanges; most of the grassroots initiatives we studied were relationship focused, whereas those involving elite participants are outcome focused; the track two community subscribes to a set of theoretical propositions about which conditions and contexts facilitate the transmission of track two insights and ideas to the political process, but these propositions have yet to be validated; and track two specialists do little strategic planning about ways to most effectively transfer track two insights and ideas to the political process. Our research also identified four distinct, but not mutually exclusive, approaches to practice: the psychological, the constructivist, the capacity building, and the realistic interest.     

“东北亚区域秩序研究”笔谈

进入21世纪,东北亚国际关系波谲云诡,成为全球地缘政治的热点。如何透过纷繁复杂的现象,探寻东北亚区域秩序变迁的历史轨迹,三篇文章试图从不同的视角回答这一问题。"从帝国到霸权:东北亚区域秩序的现代转型"以帝国与霸权为切入点,解读了两者在东北亚区域秩序的形成及转型过程中发挥的作用;"后冷战时代东北亚的民族主义与区域秩序"从民族主义入手,探讨了东北亚各国民族主义对塑造东亚均势秩序的影响,以及走向法理秩序的可能;"中华帝国转型与东北亚区域形成"回溯近代以来中华帝国与区域世界的互动,中国从农业帝国向现代主权国家的转变是东北亚区域形成的核心动力所在。     

清代贵州民族文化变迁的思考

清代贵州的民族文化变迁,经历了一个由表及里,由简到繁,由物质层面到精神层面,最后到观念层面的过程。自然选择、政策影响、文化互动是促成这场深刻文化变迁的主要因素。清代贵州民族文化变迁的启示在于:民族文化的发展与融合是不可避免的,但必须注意文化变迁过程中的平等性。     

中、日、俄3国文化近代转型比较

近代的中、日、俄 3国文化 ,代表了东北亚国家文化现代化的 3种类型 ,也代表了东北亚国家现代化的 3种类型。日本文化的近代转型是 3国中比较全面、比较彻底的。同日本相比 ,俄罗斯的近代文化转型受俄国旧传统的制约只是半转型 ,而中国的文化转型虽然与俄罗斯有许多相似之处 ,但却比俄罗斯的上层文化转型更为狭窄。这正是 2 0世纪前半期在文化上 ,中国先学日本、后学俄国的原因     

经济转型升级与生态文明发展之路——基于龙泉"山上浙江"建设的调研分析

加速推进生态文明发展是应对日益频繁的生态灾难和生态危机的必然要求.本文通过对龙泉"山上浙江"建设经验的调研分析,探讨了当前浙江经济转型升级和生态文明发展的具体路径,即科技创新,走生态发展之路,实现人与自然、人与社会的和谐统筹;系统整合,走循环发展之路,在转型升级过程中再上一个新台阶;加快生态型政府建设,创新政府绩效评估体制,强化生态责任追究机制,确保经济转型升级和生态文明发展的规范、有序.