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981.
广西与东盟多元文化共生发展面临许多新的机遇,但同时也面临许多挑战.建构广西与东盟文化共生和谐发展必须从"场域"、"惯习"、"资本"等三个基本要素着手.推动广西与东盟文化共生发展:一是要充分尊重少数民族文化的多样性;二是要以发展文化产业为龙头,带动其他文化发展;三是要坚持以多元文化互补为基础、共赢为目标、和谐发展为价值取向的发展模式;四是要始终重视双边民族关系的和谐发展. 相似文献
982.
建立法治型“泛珠”区域劳务合作机制的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
区域劳务合作法律协调机制是法治型"泛珠"区域劳务合作机制的核心,因此,建立法治型"泛珠"区域劳务合作机制,对于巩固合作成果,推动合作向深度和广度发展具有重要的现实意义.这个法律体系既应具备国家制定的区域经济合作的法律,又应具有地方立法协调法律机制、合作运行机制等. 相似文献
983.
在社会转型期文化变迁与新文化传播的过程中,作为大众传媒的主体--编辑活动,客观上扮演了一个非常重要的角色.编辑活动与文化变迁、文化传播息息相关,它不仅是选择扬弃新旧文化观念、优化传播新文化成果的活动,而且是参与建设、整合与重构社会文化体系的活动.在社会转型期,文化变迁与编辑活动之间呈现出一种互动关系.要全面提高编辑的综合素质,正确发挥编辑活动在文化变迁中的引导作用,努力传播社会主义先进文化. 相似文献
984.
ABSTRACTThis contribution takes marriage as the example of a crisis of production and reproduction in rural India. Through the juxtaposition of ethnography separated by six decades, we detail a shift away from land and agriculture as the primary markers of status among the Patidars of central Gujarat, western India, in favour of a hierarchical understanding of international migration. The paper discusses the disconnect between a cultural revolution in favour of migration, and the failure of many to live up to their own cultural standards. More broadly, we reflect on the forces that simultaneously strengthen and dissolve caste inequality in the context of India's uneven growth. 相似文献
985.
Henry Veltmeyer 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):393-410
The paper provides a critique of the World Bank's 2008 World Development Report on the role of agriculture in the development process, specifically its conception of capitalist farming as a pathway out of rural poverty. It is argued that the Report is unable to overcome a fundamental deficit in development thinking based on modernisation theory and an ideological predisposition towards (and belief in) the agency and working of the market. The paper also argues that the failure of the Report to propose radical land redistributive measures for tackling rural poverty derives from its failure to grasp the fundamental cause and dynamics of rural poverty. 相似文献
986.
Sebastian Krapohl 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(2):161-178
This article compares and analyses the different answers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations+3 (ASEAN+3), Mercado Común del Dur (MERCOSUR) and the eurozone on financial crises in their respective regions. All three regions were hit by economic turmoil between 1997 and 2012, but whereas ASEAN+3 and the eurozone answered with establishing regional liquidity arrangements (RLAs) in order to fight future crises, financial cooperation did not take off in MERCOSUR. Thus, the paper asks why some regions establish RLAs in cases of crisis and others do not. It argues that the variance of regional financial integration in different world regions is due to different interests of regional powers in their respective regions. The regional powers of ASEAN+3 and the eurozone are institutionally and/or economically highly embedded within their respective regions, but this is not the case for Brazil in MERCOSUR. China and Japan suffered from negative externalities of the Asian crisis, and, consequently, have had an interest to stabilize their neighbours’ economies after the crisis. In contrast, Brazil was able to follow a beggar-thy-neighbour strategy at the turn of the millennium, which externalized some of the costs of Brazil's own economic crisis towards Argentina. As a result, Brazil has had no interest in providing liquidity for its regional neighbours after the crisis. France and Germany are not only economically but also institutionally highly embedded in the eurozone because they share a common currency with their regional neighbours. Thus, the stability of the eurozone is a vital interest for Europe's regional powers, and they devote significant resources to stabilize the economies of the eurozone's periphery. 相似文献
987.
Barbara Fritz 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(2):127-144
Can regional monetary cooperation shield developing regions from global volatility? The article argues that the main contribution of regional monetary cooperation to enhancing the shock-buffering ability of its member countries is to provide short-term liquidity and to increase regional trade and financial links. In contrast, traditional optimum currency area (OCA) theories formulate the advantages of regional monetary cooperation in terms of allocative efficiency gains and aim at a full currency union as final stage. As such, traditional theory widely ignores the shock-buffering capacity of regional monetary cooperation as well as their varieties. In contrast, the article argues that intermediate stages of regional monetary cooperation have their own rationales related to such shock-buffering capacity. This paper systematically examines the variety of regional cooperation arrangements in the developing world that range from regional payments systems over the pooling of reserves to exchange rate coordination. We propose that the potential for shock buffering is dependent on the chosen form of cooperation. Furthermore, in contrast to full monetary integration, which is highly demanding in terms of policy coordination, the requirements for regional policy coordination are significantly lower, depending on the form and aim of the arrangement. 相似文献
988.
Bert Hoffmann 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(9):1730-1744
Standard wisdom explains Cuba’s current transformation as one of economic change but political immobility. However, Cuban politics have also undergone a major change since the handing over of power from Fidel to Raúl Castro – even if the rhetoric used has been one of continuity. This article traces this process by looking at four areas: the depersonalisation and re-institutionalisation of the political structures; the diversification of the public sphere, particularly through the use of digital media; the liberalisation of travel and migration, with its transformative impact on state–citizen relations; and the turn to a moderate foreign policy, as highlighted by the rapprochement with the USA, with its implications for legitimising the underpinnings of Cuban socialism. Although the shift has been well below the threshold of a transition to multiparty democracy, Cuba has evolved from the charismatic model of the past to what can be understood as bureaucratic socialism in reform mode. 相似文献
989.
Cuba, this iconic revolutionary island which has brought so much hope to the Third World and, at one point, worry for a nuclear World War III, is going through a process of change never seen since Fidel Castro led his revolutionary forces to triumph around New Year’s of 1959. Yet, 10 years into the change process, led by the younger Castro Raúl (now 85), nobody can really forecast where the country will end up in socio-economic and political terms. In this TWQ subsection, two economists and three political scientists – two Cubans and three European Cuba watchers – analyse the reforms and their possible outcome. 相似文献
990.
Tamara Hoch Jovanovic 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2015,38(12):838-848
This article introduces a framework for studying the European Union (EU) as power by focusing on what EU does rather than what EU is. Conceptualizing EU as a regional international society, EU is constituted along multidimensional lines. While a code of conduct limits internal and external practices, critical moments are important junctures for practitioners to reinterpret norms and rules, leading to the reproduction of EU as power. The practice of minority rights illustrates how a lack of intersubjectivity limits the EU’s power. It is first through practitioners’ engagement with norms and rules that new practices are established. 相似文献