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101.
Both racism and sexism have had the effect of handicapping selected groups in terms of salary and access to jobs, promotions, and power. However, the categories of race and gender, and the experience of racism and sexism, differ in many ways. This article reviews the differences resulting from definitions of race and gender, as well as those differences stemming from historical, legal, and demographic factors. In particular, we focused on the interactive effects of racism and sexism in the experience of women of color. We examine the assumption that affirmative action operates equivalently for all racial and gender groups, and suggest some directions for further research. 相似文献
102.
103.
]“正义”始终是西方自然法的最高价值追求。本文从自然法发展的古代、中世纪、近代和现代历史时期中 ,找寻蕴藏其中的正义观念及其理论思维方式 ,提出自然法的正义观在历史中走过了自然本体、自然本体之异化的上帝本体、社会本体和程序本体四个不同阶段 ,并分析说明 ,当代中国法治社会可以从这种历史变迁中汲取什么。 相似文献
104.
肖峰昌 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2003,16(4):1-9
我国现行行政诉讼法将其立法目的确定为“保证人民法院正确、及时审理行政案件 ,保护公民、法人和其他组织的合法权益 ,维护和监督行政机关依法行使行政职权。”这种立法目的的多元化使得我国行政诉讼制度的进一步健全和完善缺乏一种明确的动机和方向。通过对行政诉讼价值考量及对行政诉讼法的作用、功能和程序设计的研究 ,“保护公民、法人和其他组织的合法权益”应是行政诉讼的唯一目的 相似文献
105.
Over the last two decades in the United States, mainstream environmental organizations have reduced, rather than increased, democratic participation by citizens in environmental problem-solving. The environmental justice movement, on the other hand, has served to enlarge the constituency of the environmental movement by incorporating poorer communities and oppressed people of color into environmental decision making process; build community capacity by developing campaigns and projects that address the common links between various social and environmental problems; and facilitate community empowerment by emphasizing grassroots organizing over advocacy. This paper outlines the different components in the environmental justice movement. It is our contention that if researchers and policymakers continue to conceive of the ecological crisis as a collection of unrelated problems, then it is possible that some combination of regulations, incentives, and technical innovations can keep pollution and resource destruction at tolerable levels for more affluent socioeconomic populations. However, poor working class communities and people of color which lack the political–economic resources to defend themselves will continue to suffer the worst abuses. However, if the interdependency of issues is emphasized as advocated by the environmental justice movement, then a transformative environmental politics can be invented. 相似文献
106.
Ken Pease 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2001,9(4):413-425
The heavy concentration of crime on a few areas, and the concentration on the chronically victimised within those areas, together illustrate the gross inequality of the risk of crime victimisation. This inequality also characterises other hazards of life. Criminology has too often reduced the problem of crime to the problem of the offender. Recognising crime hazard as an issue of distributive justice requires a different mind set. The Crime and Disorder Act 1998 recognises the drivers of crime as lying outside criminal justice, but does not put in place a panhazard analysis of the kind required, community safety being presented as a type of crime prevention. Movement towards panhazard thinking may well be somewhat facilitated by the workingthrough of the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights, actions flowing from section 17 of the Crime and Disorder Act, and a reconsideration of how emergency services might work. 相似文献
107.
Adam Crawford 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》1999,7(4):509-530
This article casts a critical eye over some of the (often ignored) assumptions which underlie recent appeals to community in crime prevention and control. The article considers the philosophical origins, ambiguities and tensions within such appeals. In so doing, it draws explicitly upon the growth of community safety and to a lesser extent restorative justice in Britain and considers some of the implications to which this shift may give rise. In particular, it focuses upon the manner in which appeals to community converge and collide with changing social relations which may undermine their progressive potential. Specific attention is given to the implications of: increasing social and spatial dislocation; the commodification of security; and policy debates about a growing underclass. It is argued that there is much confusion as to how, and to what extent, communities can contribute to the construction of social order. Within the dynamics of community safety and crime control practices there are dangers that security differentials may become increasingly significant characteristics of wealth and status with implications for social exclusion. This questions the extent to which crime is an appropriate vehicle around which to (re)construct open and tolerant communities. 相似文献
108.
陈金钊 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2011,26(5):1-14
当下的中国法治遇到了新的问题,主要是司法理念含有太多政治因素,而司法过程中包含着太多的人情等因素,法律效果反而变得不重要了,以至于法律不能以自身独立的方式调整社会关系。我们不反对法律工具主义,也不反对法律与政治之间的正常关系,但法律应该有自己的独立性,司法活动不能违背自身的规律和逻辑。科学发展观、以人为本无疑对司法有重要的指导意义,但要想使其更好地发挥理念的指导作用,我们就必须认真探寻其实现的方法和途径。法律的政治化和政治的法律化问题是一个重要的命题,我们必须认真研究。法治不等于政治,与政治有密切关系,法治对政治有约束作用,法治离不开政治的指导。然而我们必须清楚,法治服务于政治不能抛开法律的规则和程序来片面地追求社会效果。如果离开法律方法——这一基本的司法规律办案,将会彻底断送司法公正。 相似文献
109.
十届全国人大常委会第三十次会议通过了关于修改《中华人民共和国民事诉讼法》的决定,修正案对民事再审事由作出了重大的修改和完善。其中对程序性再审事由的规定体现了我国立法机关奉行程序公正的立法理念,向构建再审之诉迈出了非常重要的一步,目的是充分保障当事人的申请再审权,有效地解决当事人反映突出的"申请再审难"问题。 相似文献
110.
王迎曙 《西安政治学院学报》1999,(3)
检察机关在刑事审判程序中担负的职能如何定性,是一个颇具争议的问题。检察机关在一审、二审及再审中的活动表明其在刑事审判中实际行使公诉和审判监督两种职能。两种职能的性质不同,二者是互相独立的,因而不宜再由同一机关行使,刑事审判监督职能应该从检察机关的职能中分离出来 相似文献