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911.
Gwyneth C. McClendon 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):349-372
International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute
arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers
and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns
attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals
impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects
and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected
on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test
these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful
implementation of international criminal law.
相似文献
Gwyneth C. McClendonEmail: |
912.
Although the use of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) has grown considerably over the last 3 decades, there is still
much that we do not know concerning the choice and the structuring of TRCs. While the literature has focused primarily on
the effects of TRCs, we examine the domestic and the international factors influencing the choice of a commission in sub-Saharan
Africa from 1974 to 2003 using pooled cross-sectional time series. We find that states which adopted a TRC prior to South
Africa were generally repressive centralized regimes which used the truth commission as political cover. However, since South
Africa’s TRC, democratizing states have been more likely to adopt a truth commission as a form of transitional justice.
相似文献
Lilian A. BarriaEmail: |
913.
Franklin Oduro 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(6):621-639
Ghana's tortuous journey to democracy received a major boost in the year 2006 with the enactments of two human-rights-related pieces of legislation. In this article the author contends, on the one hand, that the recent enactments of an amendment to the law on representation of the people and the persons with disability law in Ghana constituted a noteworthy landmark in the search for inclusive citizenship. On the other hand, the relation between society and the political authority during the processes of the enactments highlighted characteristics of a post-colonial African state. The author explores the antagonisms that surrounded the enactments of these laws. The article concludes that although the Ghanaian experience represents a new wave of re-thinking of rights in Africa, it also underscores the deep-seated issues of contestation and negotiations that unavoidably accompany the expansion of democracy and extension of rights to the excluded and the marginalized. 相似文献
914.
Daniel P. L. Chong 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):183-204
In recent years, dozens of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the globe have begun to advocate for
economic and social rights, which represents a significant expansion of the human rights movement. This article investigates
a central strategy that NGOs have pursued to realize these rights: legalization. Legalization involves specifying rights as
valid legal rules and enforcing them through judicial or quasi-judicial processes. After documenting some of the progress
made toward legalization, the article analyzes five unique challenges involved in legalizing economic and social rights. It
is important to identify these challenges because they must be overcome if the human rights movement wishes to refute the
notion that economic and social rights are inherently non-justiciable (and therefore, to some, invalid as rights). These challenges also point to the possibility that legalization is not the only, or even the best, strategic pathway to
realize economic and social rights effectively.
相似文献
Daniel P. L. ChongEmail: |
915.
Lydia Morris 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(4):365-379
This paper examines a civil society challenge to UK government legislation withdrawing welfare support from asylum seekers who do not claim on entry to the country. Drawing on the work of Habermas and Alexander, it considers the role of the courts as a deliberative space and elaborates the scope for civil repair in the case of a group rendered marginal by the law. In so doing, it also suggests how links could be made with the broadened conception of citizenship proposed by Isin and Turner. 相似文献
916.
Martin Lodge 《政策研究评论》2009,26(4):395-408
This article argues that the public management of risk faces inherent "wicked issue" problems which are further accentuated in the context of the contemporary regulatory state. It is suggested that in order to overcome these limitations and inevitable trade-offs, there needs to be a more conscientious effort in setting out distinct components of any public management of risk, which should be considered and discussed through the lens of distinct worldviews contrasting interpretations and solutions, as well as potential "black-spots." It is only by acknowledging limitations of any one strategy and by considering plural solutions that there is less likelihood of disappointment when dealing with crises and disasters. 相似文献
917.
试论日本据台与闽粤移民之中挫——以《清国人入境台湾条例》为中心 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
1895年台湾沦为日本的殖民地,海峡两岸关系发生了重大变化,台湾住民被认定为所谓“日本国民”。随着《清国人入境台湾条例》的颁布实施,传统闽粤移民渡台历史进程遭致中挫。日据后迁徙台湾的闽粤民众被称做“华侨”,成为侨居者。此后,台湾社会历史进入以内生性发展为主的新阶段。 相似文献
918.
闽台农民经济合作组织对接途径与模式研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
农民经济合作组织对接是两岸农业合作的创新模式,“海峡西岸经济区”的定位给闽台农民经济合作组织的有效对接创造了良好的条件。本文以福建与台湾农民经济合作组织的类型和特点作为研究的基础,分析新形势下拓展闽台农民经济合作组织对接的重要意义与可行性,提出闽台农民经济合作组织对接的可行途径和模式选择。 相似文献
919.
920.
警察院校大学生预备警官的特殊身份,决定了其廉政意识教育尤为重要。廉政意识教育是一个系统工程,需要建立科学的长效机制,文章着重从建立适合警察院校特点的学员思想政治工作管理体制、建立符合警察院校学员特点的教育体系和不断完善警校学员廉政意识教育的监防体系方面进行了探究。 相似文献