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991.
目的:研究丰富环境对大鼠局灶性脑梗死后梗死灶周围血管内皮生长因子受体的影响.方法:采用开颅电凝法制作SD大鼠右侧大脑中动脉缺血(MCAO)模型,术后第24小时随机分为丰富环境(EE)组和标准环境(SE)组.以免疫组织化学法检测血管内皮生长因子受体Flt-1及Flk-1的表达.结果:大鼠大脑中动脉闭塞后,缺血区神经元变性、坏死,Flt-1和Flk-1在缺血周边区表达明显增加,经丰富环境干预后,血管内皮生长因子受体表达大量增加.结论:丰富环境可促使血管内皮生长因子受体表达上调,进而促进微血管新生,有利于脑损伤修复.  相似文献   
992.
加强和创新社会管理是中国特色的社会建设之重大课题,民主党派参与其中有其重大理论意义和现实意义。改革开放三十多年来,我国经济社会发展取得突出成就,经济社会正处在深刻转型期,转型期也是矛盾凸显期,这给社会管理和民主党派都带来较多新的挑战。民主党派如何做到既克服自身局限性,又在多党合作框架下充分发挥自身优势、积极参与社会管理及其创新,在中国特色的社会建设中有所建树?解决此问题有如下路径:民主党派参与政权,积极促进改善民生;民主党派议政、参与民主协商,加强联系社会,促进民意畅通机制,促进社会公平正义;民主党派进行民主监督,促进反腐倡廉建设;民主党派进行调查研究,利于把握社会建设规律。  相似文献   
993.
近年来,随着中国社会结构的变化,阶级阶层利益诉求、社会矛盾、主流意识形态发生巨大变化,整合利益需求、协调社会各个阶层矛盾,是当前党执政中面临的一个重要现实课题。现代传媒技术、社会组织的发展对党的利益整合能力产生了极大挑战。因此,需进一步加强执政党的利益整合能力建设,不断促进社会主义社会和谐稳定发展。  相似文献   
994.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):279-299
Burdsey examines the ways in which British Asian footballers perceive ‘race’ and racism as factors influencing their under-representation in the professional game. He argues that issues of ‘race’ and racism in football often manifest themselves in forms that are far more complex, nuanced and subtle than are recognized within dominant discourses. Using their oral testimonies, Burdsey demonstrates that the attitudes and opinions of British Asian footballers often contradict the viewpoints proposed by anti-racist football organizations and the media. In particular, for a variety of reasons, the British Asian players in this research, many of whom have first-hand experience of playing at professional clubs, do not attribute the under-representation of British Asian professional footballers to racism in the professional game. These players believe that it is necessary to examine how issues of ethnicity, ‘race’ and racism manifest themselves at the amateur levels of the game, and how this situation inhibits the progression of British Asians into professional football. At amateur levels, racism from opponents, together with the role of football clubs as symbols of ethnic identity, means that British Asian players often play in all-Asian teams and in all-Asian leagues. This restricts their opportunities for being identified and recruited by professional clubs. Finally, Burdsey analyses the use of British Asian coaches as cultural intermediaries in facilitating the inclusion of British Asians in professional football. He argues that not only can this approach be disadvantageous, but also that it is hypocritical, and thus causes offence to many British Asian players.  相似文献   
995.
2008年金融危机以来,我国非法集资活动日益严重,大案、要案频发,且非法集资活动出现了区域性特征。一些地区和城市出现了几乎全民参与的、传销式的非法集资活动,并引发了多起群体性事件和暴力犯罪案件,严重危及了当地经济秩序和社会稳定。当前非法集资活动呈案件数量逐步增加、新形式和新手段不断涌现、涉案被害人和金额持续增多的特点。全国各地对处置和预防非法集资活动积累了一些经验,这些经验对成功处置非法集资案件以及维护社会稳定具有较大的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
996.
《治安管理处罚法》第6条规定要求各级人民政府加强社会治安综合治理。政府现行的社会治安综合治理工作系统是彼此负相关增强系统,其此涨彼消、彼消此涨、归责在外、推诿指责的系统运行特征不能适应社会治安综合治理工作改革发展的要求。建立、完善正相关工作机制,将彼此负相关增强系统改造为彼此正负相关调节系统,是优化政府社会治安综合治理工作系统、改革完善社会治安综合治理工作系统必不可少的任务。  相似文献   
997.
随着我国生态保护和国土主体功能区战略的实施,生态移民问题已成为全国许多地区的共性问题。生态移民的社会适应是一个综合的社会转变过程,其不仅仅是居住地的改变,还存在人力资本的提升、社会关系的重塑以及思想意识的变迁等问题。面对生态移民在社会适应过程中面临的诸多困境,需要从政府层面、主体层面、社区层面和社会层面采取措施,突破其社会适应的困境,让其在迁入地“落地生根”。  相似文献   
998.
《圆桌》2012,101(2):167-179
Abstract

Recent years have seen intense intergovernmental deliberations on issues concerning governance in the field of environment. Their aim has been to address the role of the institutions that provide platforms for international environmental cooperation. There are two main lines of enquiry: the role of regime-specific institutions that cater to sectoral regulatory frameworks (popularly known as multilateral environmental agreements, or MEAs); and the role of institutions that are established to follow up on global environmental conferences or a specific environmental task. Most of these institutions reflect intergovernmental consensual process. However, there are concerns about their proliferation and there is a growing cacophony of calls to ‘bring coherence to the fragmented landscape of MEAs, intergovernmental bodies, UN system entities and other international organizations’ (Sha Zukang (2011) ‘Legal and policy dimensions of sustainable development: expected contribution of Rio + 20’, Environmental Policy and Law, 41(6), pp. 244–246, at p. 245). In fact the need to bring order to environmental governance has assumed great importance and urgency if environmental cooperation is to be achieved. This paper explores, in particular, the role of the United Nations Environment Programme and its potential for conversion to a specialised agency of the UN.  相似文献   
999.
《圆桌》2012,101(2):147-156
Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.  相似文献   
1000.
ABSTRACT

This article focuses on the animal advocacy movement (AAM) in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Taking an intersectional perspective, I examine whether and how key animal activists in the Baltics see links between animal rights and other social justice issues. I also consider how the movement communicates its messages to the general public in settings where ideas around animal justice and possibilities for animal advocacy are relatively recent and unfamiliar. This analysis contributes to debates regarding possibilities for intersectional activism and collaboration between social justice movements in the Baltics and beyond.  相似文献   
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