Towards a Realignment of the Mind: Compass Lecture,Commonwealth Club,London, 10 February 2011

Britain urgently needs a national conversation about the economic, political and moral predicament it now faces. It should start with the economic crisis of 2008–09. Keynesians and neoliberals alike still seek to return to pre‐crisis business as usual, albeit with modifications. But the untamed capitalism that came to grief in 2008 had three major flaws. First, it undermined the public domain of equity, citizenship and civic virtue, whose creation was one of the great achievements of the late‐nineteenth and early‐twentieth centuries, exposing it to invasion by the market domain. Second, it led to a remorseless rise in inequality of resources and life chances, rendering British society one of the most dysfunctional in Europe. Third, it encouraged the emergence of a debased form of democracy, best called ‘market populism’, that mocks the dream of political equality that lies at the heart of the democratic ideal. Yet growth points of a better society can be detected amidst the gloom. Informal institutions and social movements like London Citizens and the burgeoning environmental movement show that the notion of the public good is still alive. So do the survival of Edmund Burke's communitarianism in the conservative tradition, of John Stuart Mill's social liberalism in the liberal tradition and of ethical socialism in the social‐democratic tradition.     

论中国特色社会主义与公民社会

公民社会的发展壮大已经成为中国特色社会主义的重要方面,这需要理论予以自觉的研究与论证,唯其如此,才能够更加深入地理解中国特色社会主义的公民社会。公民社会是中国特色社会主义的应有之义,因为公民社会伴生于市场经济,而市场经济已经成为中国特色社会主义的重要组成部分,故公民社会也必然是中国特色社会主义的重要组成部分。中国公民社会具有鲜明的中国特色,并在中国特色社会主义发展过程中发挥重要的积极作用。     

中国特色社会主义理论体系与中国优秀传统文化

借鉴和吸收中国优秀传统文化是在新的时代条件下建设中国特色社会主义的必然要求和正确选择。中国优秀传统文化是中国特色社会主义理论体系的重要思想渊源。中国传统文化积极地促进了中国特色社会主义理论体系的形成与发展,中国特色社会主义理论体系又使中国传统文化得到新的升华,使中国传统文化获得新的活力。     

From Islam en France to Islam de France: contradictions of the French left's responses to Islam

ABSTRACT

The political class in France, especially the left, has been profoundly shaped by the revolutionary heritage of 1789. Determined to combat the determinisms that fractured French society under the ancien régime, such as religion, the individual was reconfigured, first as a citizen and then, by the left, as indistinguishable from a class, the proletariat. While in both cases the conceptualization of the individual had the benefit of unity and clarity, the abstract nature of these notions too often left out those very factors that are most significant to those individuals themselves for their self-definition. Moreover, the social transformation of France since the 1960s has exposed the culture-specific conditioning that underlay the apparent neutrality of the conceptualization of the individual bequeathed by 1789. Raymond explores how the left has struggled with its intellectual heritage in its relationship with minorities, especially Muslims, from the xenophobic populism of the Communists in the early 1980s to the recognition proposed by some Socialists during their last period in government. Paradoxically, the institutional accommodation reached with the Islamic community by the centre-right governments of the past decade, notably the creation of the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman (French Council of the Muslim Faith) in 2002, built on the initiatives of previous Socialist administrations. They set the course for a better integration of the Muslim community by transforming Islam en France (Islam in France) into an Islam de France (French Islam). But in spite of the initial impetus given by the Socialists to the institutional assimilation of Islam, their reactions to the emergence of a French Islamic identity remain contradictory. The question therefore persists as to whether the left in France, impregnated by a historically conditioned secularism, can be reconciled with a community defined by its faith through the emergence of a ‘Gallican’ Islam, or whether the time has come for a fundamental reappraisal of the ideology of the French left, and even the Republic itself.     

马克思恩格斯社会主义价值思想研究

马克思恩格斯从多个角度阐述了社会主义价值思想,包括社会主义代替资本主义的必然性、社会主义的特征、本质、实现方式和目标等,一些反映社会主义特征、本质的重要概念也表达了深刻的价值思想.梳理马克思恩格斯社会主义价值思想,对深化社会主义核心价值体系研究和用社会主义核心价值体系武装全党、教育人民具有重要意义.     

马克思主义中国化两大理论成果间的内在逻辑

中国共产党在完成和推进三件大事的历史进程中产生了马克思主义中国化的两大理论成果:毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系。胡锦涛总书记在庆祝中国共产党成立90周年大会上的讲话中对这两大理论成果间的逻辑关联给予了新的阐释:实践意义上的"完成和推进"和理论意义上的"继承和发展"。基于这种逻辑关联,中国特色社会主义的探索"始于毛,成于邓"、坚持和推进于中国共产党第三、四代中央领导集体。     

中国特色社会主义文化建设研究综述

近年来,社会主义文化建设已经成为我国学界研究的一个非常重要的热点课题,学界对文化建设的含义、内容以及基本路径进行了深入、广泛的研究,认为推进中国特色社会主义文化建设,必须坚持马克思主义的指导地位,以中国化的马克思主义理论为指南;以社会主义核心价值体系整合多种社会思潮,引领中国特色社会主义文化建设;加强对农村、城市社区等基层文化建设的财政投入和政策支持,调动群众的积极性。     

论全球化视野下中国特色社会主义文化的发展取向

全球化因素及未来世界文化发展的总趋势影响着中国先进文化的基本取向。中国应立足国情,巩固和发展本土优秀文化,增强中国特色社会主义文化的民族性;勇于开拓,促进中国文化综合创新,增强中国特色社会主义文化的科学性;解放思想,融合吸收世界文化精华,增强中国特色社会主义文化的时代性;放眼世界,积极推动中国文化全球化,增强中国特色社会主义文化的世界性,使中国先进文化始终引领我们民族向前进。     

略论马克思主义中国化理论进程及成果的文化哲学底蕴

马克思主义理论具有深厚的文化哲学底蕴,这是马克思主义中国化具有文化哲学底蕴的内在根据。在文化哲学视域中,马克思主义中国化的理论进程是马克思主义中国化内在文化张力的显性化过程,这一过程始终伴随着文化哲学的渗透与追问;马克思主义中国化的理论成果具有马克思主义文化哲学的深厚底蕴,它集中体现于毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系中实事求是、群众路线、独立自主这三个基本点和为共产主义奋斗终身的价值目标。     

中国特色社会主义“特色”的新概括——学习胡锦涛总书记“7·23”重要讲话的体会

胡锦涛在省部级主要领导干部专题研讨班开班式上的重要讲话,从坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的政治高度,强调＂必须不断丰富中国特色社会主义的实践特色、理论特色、民族特色、时代特色＂,是对中国特色社会主义＂特色＂的新概括。深刻认识中国特色社会主义的＂四个特色＂,对于我们进一步深刻理解和把握中国特色社会主义,从而更好地坚持和发展中国特色社会主义,将具有极为重要的理论意义和实践意义。