Alternative South–South development collaboration? The role of China in the Coega Special Economic Zone in South Africa

Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ.     

市委书记个人特征与GDP增长关系的实证分析——基于GDP百强市10年1000份市委书记样本的数据分析

当前,经济发展面临较大的下行压力,各地GDP发展动能成为各方关注的焦点。GDP百强市何以傲视群雄,实现GDP高质高量的发展?除了传统的经济发展影响因素外,地方领导与地方经济发展是否存在一定关系?通过对2017年GDP百强市2008-2017年间1000份市委书记个人特征和GDP增长的平衡面板数据进行实证分析发现:市委书记晋升途径和GDP增长呈显著相关关系;市委书记年龄和任职市数量均与GDP增长呈“倒U型”变动关系,其中最佳任职年龄是54.68岁,最佳任职市数量是2.787个;市委书记的性别、学位、本科学校性质、基层工作经历与GDP增幅没有表现出显著相关关系。结合实证结果,提出了领导者选拔任用的政策取向。     

Conservation in Context: Toward a Systems Framing of Decentralized Governance and Public Participation in Wildlife Management

Governance scholars have long championed the adaptive utility of decentralized management institutions, in part due to their ability to bring diverse stakeholders into decision‐making processes. However, research into the link between decentralization and participation often looks at policy design but bypasses important system feedbacks that shape sustained participation over time. To paint a more robust picture detailing how decentralization and participation are related, this paper uses a complex systems framework to explore interacting structural, operational, and cultural components of decentralized wildlife governance institutions in the United States and Botswana. Through this comparative analysis, I argue that the landscape of public participation in decentralized governance institutions appears to be significantly impacted by three factors: 1) how decentralization processes occurred, 2) where in the process of decision making participation is situated, and 3) perceptions of power distribution between groups with competing interests.     

Civil society and its outside: Analysing the boundary between civil and uncivil society in the Danish anti-radicalization discourse

The literature on the boundary between civil and uncivil society has reached an impasse between approaches that oppose these societies to each other and those that dismiss the boundary altogether. This article suggests an analytical shift to a governmental approach that asks how the relation between civil and uncivil society figures in social practices. The approach is applied to the case of the Danish anti-radicalization discourse which revolves around subjects that cross the boundary. Through a discourse analysis of governmental papers, the author argues that the boundary appears twice. First, as a categorical difference that is simultaneously erected and annulled. This is not a paradox that must be superseded but one which structures a rationality of the governed in Civil Society that a governmental rationality pegs itself to inside an indefinite time. Second, this rationality is only possible through the rejection of violence. This creates a void which serves as an object of the discourse while existing outside the indefinite time of governmentality.     

人类社会发展机制研究

社会发展是社会有机体各构成要素、各组成部分之间所发生的不以人的主观意志为转移的相互联系、相互制约、相互作用的矛盾运动。推动社会发展的主体和享有社会发展成果的主体是人民群众。人类社会发展的最佳状态是和谐发展,人人共享社会发展成果与人的全面发展是社会和谐的前提。     

90年来马克思主义中国化概念的历史演进

马克思主义中国化是毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系之源,是中国共产党安身立命之本。因此,从中国共产党的历史进程中去考察马克思主义中国化概念的演进与扩展就有着特别重要的历史意义和现实意义。     

权利社会理论与社会“弱势化”心态矫正

社会＂弱势化＂心态是当前社会转型期值得警惕的社会问题,其本质问题是社会权利贫困问题。权利贫困决定了社会利益分配的不平衡,加剧社会分化和社会结构失衡,从而引发不同社会群体之间的对立和冲突,妨碍经济发展和社会稳定。为此,必须适时着手赋权社会的改革,使社会弱势群体获得更多的生存、发展、医疗、教育和文化等社会权利,获得和分享更多的改革开放的成果,以权利同质和机会均等实现包容发展。     

以基层党建创新带动社会管理创新的思考

新时期以基层党建创新带动社会管理创新是推动科学发展、促进社会和谐的需要。为此,必须优化创新党组织设置,夯实社会管理基础;深入开展服务型党组织创建,完善社会管理格局;加强完善创新矛盾化解机制,提高社会管理科学化水平;改革与创新教育培养模式,增强领导社会管理能力;创新党建工作理念和方法,形成社会管理合力。     

论和谐社会视野下的“无直接利益冲突”

在构建和谐社会的背景下解读“无直接利益冲突”这一社会矛盾的新形式,我们不难发现,它对于推动我国的民主化进程、维护社会的长期稳定、促进社会和谐,既有消极的作用,也有积极的影响.正视这一客观事实,积极预防、理性对待、妥善处置“无直接利益冲突”,对于构建社会主义和谐社会具有特殊的意义.     

浅谈我国参政党自身建设问题

当前,民主党派要切实履行参政党职能、提高参政能力建设,就必须重视自身能力建设.加强参政党自身建设具有一定的客观必然性,这是由参政党的地位、性质和特点所决定的.参政党加强自身建设的总体目标是,实现思想观念、组织结构、政治功能和活动方式的现代化.要以思想建设为核心,以组织建设为基础,以制度建设为保障,以作风建设为动力,切实加强自身建设,增强自身的凝聚力、战斗力、团结力.