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861.
何文霞 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2010,18(2):63-64
新闻工作者担负着宣传党的路线方针政策、反应人民群众意愿和心声、及时报道现代化建设伟大成就、维护社会稳定的重要任务。政治坚定乃是新闻工作者的首要条件,思想政治建设更是新闻队伍建设的重中之重。新闻工作者应自觉抵制庸俗关系等不良作风的影响,把更多精力放在政治理论学习上,努力营造出一种良好的政治学习氛围。 相似文献
862.
学术界关于南海争端与中国国家安全的研究,大多基于对象国政策、南海地区权力格局以及中国政策的动态分析,缺乏对于中国南海战略思维和政策的系统梳理。中国南海战略思维包括搁置、大局和寻求共识等多维度的内容,同时对于争端本质倾向于和平的看法。它经历了从基于战略理性的单边默契到文化认同的单边默契的演进,体现了螺旋式变化的特点。中国南海战略思维的固化受到特定政策效果的正反馈、道德正义性以及政治文化习惯等因素的影响,而在力量与实力对比发生变化,外生环境的震动与刺激和领导集体的战略决心增强的情况下,它会发生积极的调整与变化。剖析中国南海战略思维的内涵、特性及其演变,能为理解中国外交的微观基础以及处理好中国的相关争端提供理论启示和实践价值。 相似文献
863.
We use Legislative Budget Offices (LBOs) as both a lens and a test of “public value in politics,” a facet of Moore’s original framework that remains its most contested. We identify two public value roles for LBOs: (1) as a normative-advisory institution, and (2) as a mechanistic-costing one. Through Moore’s Strategic Triangle, we contrast the higher public value contribution of the advisory role, as manifested in the United States, with the costings role as manifested in Canada. Our findings suggest that LBOs enhance both democracy and efficiency and thus show how “public value in politics” can be achieved. 相似文献
864.
Azer Kılıç 《Economy and Society》2017,46(2):275-301
This paper examines business associations in a context where the state is being contested from below, focusing on Diyarbak?r, a major Kurdish city in Turkey. Against the backdrop of armed conflict, reform processes triggered by the country’s EU candidacy and socio-economic change, Diyarbak?r has become a contested zone over which the Turkish government and the Kurdish movement have been competing for control. Local business associations have also been implicated in such contestation. Considering the situation of dual power and moral economy at the local level, the paper examines how these associations deal with an adverse situation that is characterized by political instability and uncertainty. The analysis shows that business leaders have been able to make the ‘best’ of the situation. 相似文献
865.
AbstractIn mixed-member electoral systems, voters usually have two votes: a nominal and a list vote. According to some studies, voters are increasingly using them to cast a split-ticket vote. However, very little is known about whether the type of mixed-member system, and in particular whether the allocation of seats across tiers is linked or not, creates different sets of incentives for this behaviour. This article provides new insights into the topic by analysing survey data from seven countries and 18 elections since 1990. It is found that the proportion of split-ticket votes is greater in mixed-member proportional than in mixed-member majoritarian systems. The results suggest that voters understand the operation of the electoral system and its consequences for the distribution of seats among parties, and adapt their behaviour accordingly. 相似文献
866.
Chien-peng Chung 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(3):315-332
This article focuses on South Asia's role in China's Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiative. Given the saliency of this MSR enterprise as part of ChinesePresident Xi Jinping’s “One-Belt-One-Road” strategy, how this ambitious scheme impacts China’s relations with South Asian states along the MSR’s route, i.e. India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh, merits investigation. The fate of the MSR will be determined by China’s relations with these states, since South Asia is in the middle of major sea-lanes between East/Southeast Asia and Middle East/Europe. The study examines the intentions and executions of China’s MSR projects in South Asia, evaluates the political and economic calculations of participating in the MSR for regional states, and identifies actions taken by them that can decide the initiative’s success. Politically, reactions of South Asian states to the MSR are explained as: fear of expanding Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean for India; and attempts by which Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh use China to counteract possible domination by India. Economically, two MSR pathways for South Asian states are analyzed: increases in Chinese infrastructure investments; and expansion in South Asia-China trade; both of which are reducible by loans owed to China, or “strings”/conditions attached. 相似文献
867.
868.
Alix Philippon 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2014,52(2):271-292
Muslim symbolic politics in Pakistan has been a much studied topic even though little is known about the specific role of Sufism, the mystical trend within Islam, in these complex dynamics. This article argues that this highly ambiguous and ambivalent category of Islamic discourse, covering a wide spectrum of beliefs and practices, has often been tapped as a political resource, instrumentalised as a legitimising tool by both state and non-state actors and played a major role in the ideological debates on the place of Islam in Pakistani state and society, especially since the beginning of the ‘War on Terror’. 相似文献
869.
马克思主义意识形态引领社会思潮基本经验研究 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
改革开放以来,我国不同的社会思潮纷纷涌现,具有广泛而深刻的背景和动因.中国共产党坚持马克思主义意识形态对各种社会思潮进行了科学引领,取得了十分丰富的成功经验.这些经验对于我们引领社会思潮工作具有重要的指导意义,对于探索和改革引领社会思潮的实践思路提供了必要的现实启迪. 相似文献
870.
马克思和阿尔都塞对意识形态理论都提出了自己的独到见解。从比较的视域解读马克思和阿尔都塞意识形态理论,进而把握意识形态的性质和功能,在意识形态领域斗争日益隐蔽化和复杂化的今天坚持主流意识形态的主导地位具有现实意义。 相似文献