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41.
In this research, a prototype enterprise monitoring system for Android smartphones was developed to continuously collect many data sets of interest to incident responders, security auditors, proactive security monitors, and forensic investigators. Many of the data sets covered were not found in other available enterprise monitoring tools. The prototype system neither requires root privileges nor the exploiting of the Android architecture for proper operation, thereby increasing interoperability among Android devices and avoiding a spyware classification for the system. An anti-forensics analysis on the system was performed to identify and further strengthen areas vulnerable to tampering. The contributions of this research include the release of the first open-source Android enterprise monitoring solution of its kind, a comprehensive guide of data sets available for collection without elevated privileges, and the introduction of a novel design strategy implementing various Android application components useful for monitoring on the Android platform.  相似文献   
42.
孙德刚 《外交评论》2006,42(2):65-72
赖克认为,在零和游戏中,政治联合会自动生成能够确保获胜的最小规模,即政治联合的最佳规模,但这一理论很难解释1991年海湾战争和2003年伊拉克战争期间美国领导的政治联合在规模上存在的巨大差异。本文认为,攻防态势与政治联合的规模之间存在重要联系。防御型政治联合旨在制衡威胁,政治联合背后的基本逻辑是威胁平衡,政治联合的规模一般较大;进攻型政治联合多是为了追逐利益,其构建的内在逻辑是利益平衡,政治联合的规模一般较小。  相似文献   
43.
Several studies have examined the relationship between racial threat (measured by the size of black population) and social control imposed on blacks, but evidence of this hypothesis has been mixed. Although dependency on percent black as the main indicator of racial threat in many studies has contributed to the inconsistency in findings, we argue that this literature has also neglected to consider other important conceptual and methodological issues. Using 2000 census and arrest data, we estimate the impact of multiple measures of racial economic threat, such as the size of the black population, racial inequality and black immigration patterns on black arrest rates. Furthermore, by integrating racial competition and race‐relations arguments, we examine how the concentration of black disadvantage may temper the extent to which blacks pose a threat to white interests. Our findings reveal important and conceptually distinct relationships between racial threat, concentrated disadvantage and the use of social control against blacks, particularly when compared to white arrests.  相似文献   
44.
Drawing on the group threat perspective, this paper examines the perception of criminal threat from undocumented immigrants and its relation to both contextual measures of threat and public support for enhanced controls against undocumented immigrants. With data from a national telephone survey of non-Latino adults (N?=?1,364), we estimate the predictors of perceived criminal threat as well as the effects of perceived threat and other factors on immigration policy preferences. Results indicate that political ideology and education are the strongest predictors of perceived criminal threat. Perceived criminal threat has the greatest influence on support for more punitive controls and partially mediates the effects of race, education, political ideology, and contextual threat on these control preferences. Future social threat research should consider the inclusion of perceptual threat measures instead of relying solely on contextual indicators of threat. In addition, contextual threat should be explored more often in dynamic, rather than static, terms.  相似文献   
45.
As conflict has at its basis a contest of ideas, values or resources between two or more groups, a comprehensive understanding of intergroup conflict must take into account the psychological processes that make groups and group behavior meaningful. Because individuals value and internalize identities relevant to their social, geographic, economic, historical and political positions, any devaluation, loss or imposed change to one of those identities is likely to be particularly threatening. The Social Identity Approach formulates an understanding of how these identity‐based motivations interact with social structures to predict intergroup conflict. Importantly, it also provides an explanation of how procedural justice mechanisms can be utilized to guide conflicting interests to common cooperative goals that can be accepted and pursued. By having representation and participation of relevant actors in the development of a shared identity, as is this case when nation states are formed or re‐created, threat is reduced, legitimacy built and the basis for positive intergroup relations created.  相似文献   
46.
Disparities in historical and contemporary punishment of Blacks have been well documented. Racial threat has been proffered as a theoretical explanation for this phenomenon. In an effort to understand the factors that influence punishment and racial divides in America, we draw on racial threat theory and prior scholarship to test three hypotheses. First, Black punitive sentiment among Whites will be greater among those who reside in areas where lynching was more common. Second, heightened Black punitive sentiment among Whites in areas with more pronounced legacies of lynching will be partially mediated by Whites’ perceptions of Blacks’ criminality and of Black‐on‐White violence in these areas. Third, the impact of lynching on Black punitive sentiment will be amplified by Whites’ perceptions of Blacks as criminals and as threatening more generally. We find partial support for these hypotheses. The results indicate that lynchings are associated with punitive sentiment toward Black offenders, and these relationships are partially mediated by perceptions of Blacks as criminals and as threats to Whites. In addition, the effects of lynchings on Black punitiveness are amplified among White respondents who view Blacks as a threat to Whites. These results highlight the salience of historical context for understanding contemporary views about punishment.  相似文献   
47.
恐怖主义对俄罗斯的现实威胁及俄政府的对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在俄罗斯,恐怖主义事件时有发生,其中有很大一部分为车臣恐怖分子所为。这些恐怖活动给俄罗斯人民的身心、俄罗斯正常的社会秩序及俄罗斯的国家安全都造成了巨大威胁。针对这些恐怖活动,俄罗斯政府采取各种举措予以应对。  相似文献   
48.
强迫交易罪的暴力、威胁的认定应以刑法解释的基本原则为指导,以平衡刑法社会保护机能和人权保障机能为标准,对暴力程度、威胁程度、暴力对象和威胁对象进行综合评判。  相似文献   
49.
The detection of insider threats is one area of ongoing work at the CERT® Insider Threat Center. This paper addresses the legal landscape surrounding employee privacy in the workplace. While this broad area implicates many different types of law, this paper focuses on some current issues that employers may want to be aware of when implementing policies and practices to mitigate the insider threat, including monitoring of current employees. Electronic, physical and other methods of monitoring are discussed, which can reveal insider threat indicators. Relevant federal and state laws are also discussed.1  相似文献   
50.
This article challenges the view that protest policing depends on situational threats, such as violent, disruptive tactics and the size of protests, by analysing how categorical threats assigned to movement groups' social-demographic identities affect repression. An analysis of South Korea's democratic transition reveals that categorical threats importantly trigger differential repression after the transition. Compared to moderate “citizens' movements” that thrived during Korea's democratisation, the protests organised by “people's movements” incurred state repression after controlling for other alternative variables. The result is also supported by qualitative evidence from multiple in-depth interviews with activists. The implication of differential repression is discussed in terms of how a democratising state attempts to channel and regulate social movements.  相似文献   
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