跨国公司人权责任研究——人权法新发展及中国的应对机制

跨国公司作为私的行为主体，是否应当承担国际人权责任，成为尚无普遍共识的议题。在民族国家并存的国际社会结构体系内，基于人权目的，由跨国公司母国及东道国对跨国公司的人权违反行为实施防范或惩处行动，被设定为最佳模式。在构建政府主导模式的同时，我国应充分培育和发挥民间人权力量，推动跨国公司尊重和保护人权。     

跨国公司人权责任之法哲学考量与实证分析

尊重和保护人权是传统国际法主体应尽的责任。跨国公司作为私的行为主体，是否应当承担国际人权责任或言承担何种性质的国际人权责任，尚无普遍共识。在民族、国家并存的国际社会结构体系内，基于人权目的，由跨国公司母国及东道国对跨国公司的人权违反行为实施防范或惩处行动，被设定为最佳模式。我国应积极参与国际组织制定跨国公司人权责任体系的行动，表达中国立场。在构建政府主导模式的同时，我国应充分培育和发挥民间人权力量，推动跨国公司尊重和保护人权。     

Prior Commitments: Compatible Interests versus Capabilities in Alliance Behavior

The rapid emergence of transnational networks in world politics calls for an analysis of their power dynamics. By combining the advocacy network literature and the two-level game theory in an innovative manner, this article provides a theoretical conceptualization of the interplay between intra- and inter-network interactions. It argues that the strength of a network as agent springs from its force as a structure. A network win-set is determined by its internal games, thereby affecting both its bargaining power and its chance to reach a consensual agreement with other networks. The issue of access to medicines is used as a factual background to illustrate how the flow of influence within networks affects influence among networks.     

跨国公司对国家经济主权的挑战

随着全球化的发展,跨国公司作为经济全球化的载体,在给世界带来利益的同时越来越具有一定的政治行为,跨国公司控制国家经济,参与国家政治,影响国家文化,对主权国家的经济、政治、文化主权提出了挑战。面对国际大环境中日益激烈的竞争,各国联系越来越密切,跨国公司为了追求利益最大化的目标而向国家经济主权提出挑战,使得无论是东道国经济主权,还是母国经济主权都面临严峻的挑战。挑战有利有弊,跨国公司与民族国家要趋利避害,达成相互依存、相互合作的关系,共同发展。     

From boomerangs to minefields and catapults: dynamics of trans-local resistance to land-grabs

This paper explores the political processes that activists engaged in contesting land grabbing have triggered to connect claims across borders and to international institutions, regimes and processes. Through a review of cases of land-grab resistance that have led to project cancelation or suspension, I argue that contextual elements of the land grab and shifting geopolitics highlight the need for adaptation and refinement of models of transnational advocacy, historically structured in North–South patterns. For example, while some elements of the boomerang pattern of transnational advocacy are still relevant, changing realities call for new empirically enriched models. To this end, I outline two typologies of political contention that can help us conceptualize multi-scalar interactions between activists to demonstrate the impact of local resistances at larger scales – ‘the catapult effect’ and the ‘minefield effect’. This paper contributes to calls for further theorization to understand how feedback processes between international discourses, meso-politics and conflicts and resistance at local sites of production impact the implementation of contested land deals.     

当代商人习惯法理论的发展述评

自20世纪90年代以来,全球化和全球公民社会的发展使商人习惯法的发展再次驶入快车道,有人认为已经进入崭新的商人习惯法阶段。饱受批评的商人习惯法的确定性因规范的编纂而增强,相应地,商人习惯法的理论研究也活跃起来。有学者提出商人习惯法从一开始就是一种独立于国家法和国际法之外的法体系,并用＂自创生＂理论加以论证。但反对者甚至从商人习惯法的历史基础入手来解构这一论点,指出中世纪商人习惯法就不是自治法而独立于其他正式法运行和发展。支持商人习惯法的学者和反对者之间展开了激烈论战,这些论战加深了人们对商人习惯法体系的认识,也使这一法律部门进一步为跨国商业界所熟悉。     

Transnational Competence in an Emergent Epoch

The article elaborates a framework for understanding the relevance of transnational competence to the dynamics that mark the transformations of our time. Nongovernmental stakeholders interacting through dense civil-society networks that permeate domestic-foreign frontiers bear increasing responsibility for the course of events. Based on linked interests, interorganizational knowledge generation and aggregation, partnerships, and interpersonal/intercultural interactions, they are deeply involved in addressing the many challenges posed by an ever more interdependent world. Transnational competence lubricates transterritorial networks and projects. Here, the authors extend earlier work that posited a worldwide skill revolution both by developing explicit dimensions of transnational competence and by introducing a behavioral component. The new framework provides analytical groundwork for explaining why some people, groups, and networks are more effective than others in forging meaningful transnational solidarities, negotiating and benefiting from the intensifying experience of globalization, and waging successful transnational campaigns. The article also probes how the spread of transnational competence is being facilitated by global migration and transmigration trends. The final section explores the governance implications of expanding transnational competency for the emergent epoch.     

Queer(y)ing Hannah Arendt,or what’s Hannah Arendt got to do with intersectionality?

Abstract

This article takes an unlikely approach to thinking about intersectionality theory. Exploring key concepts from the writings of Hannah Arendt, such as plurality, conscious pariah, and statelessness, alongside her embodied interrogation of anti-Semitism and the Jewish Question, it suggests a way to transgress the ordinary boundaries of the concepts of queer, international, and feminist and, conversely, to unbound the ordinary ways Arendt’s theories have been interpreted as less relevant, if not antithetical to, feminist, intersectional, and queer theories and politics.     

From Sub-state Nationalism to Subnational Competition States: The Development and Institutionalization of Commercial Paradiplomacy in Scotland and Quebec

Many of the most active regions in terms of commercial paradiplomacy are home to influential nationalist movements: Scotland and Quebec are cases in point. Conversely, many rich and export-oriented regions, such as South East England in the United Kingdom or Ontario in Canada, remain less active, if at all, in this domain. Nevertheless, the influence of nationalism as a driving force behind the practice of commercial paradiplomacy by subnational entities has often been subordinated to other variables such as ‘trade openness’ (exports as part of GDP) or ‘asymmetry’ with national economic interests (export and FDI partners). This article describes the development of autonomous commercial paradiplomacy apparatuses in Quebec and Scotland by focusing on nationalism as a crucial motive, which is also partly responsible for the way such apparatuses developed, through the establishment of organizations and strategies institutionally distinct from those of the ‘rest’ of Canada and the UK.