首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   603篇
  免费   44篇
各国政治   26篇
工人农民   30篇
世界政治   31篇
外交国际关系   11篇
法律   168篇
中国共产党   8篇
中国政治   132篇
政治理论   140篇
综合类   101篇
  2023年   17篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   25篇
  2019年   41篇
  2018年   47篇
  2017年   39篇
  2016年   40篇
  2015年   19篇
  2014年   38篇
  2013年   78篇
  2012年   27篇
  2011年   30篇
  2010年   18篇
  2009年   23篇
  2008年   35篇
  2007年   31篇
  2006年   22篇
  2005年   21篇
  2004年   22篇
  2003年   22篇
  2002年   12篇
  2001年   11篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   4篇
  1997年   2篇
  1996年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
排序方式: 共有647条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
401.
Gramsci's notion of “hegemony,” like Bourdieu's concept of “habitus,” seems designed to explain accommodation to existing social structures, rather than resistance. In this paper, however, I draw from the Prison Notebooks some arguments that contribute to a Gramscian understanding of how hegemony may break apart under the weight of the same uneven development processes central to hegemony. Drawing also from Bourdieu, I argue that the conceptions of “hegemony” and “habitus” inscribe the possibility of resistance within the embodied experience of accommodation to class rule. I then elaborate a dialectical, Gramscian-Bourdieusian account of the Red Shirt movement in Thailand, showing that the seeds for the destruction of royalist hegemony in Thailand have been sown in the embodied processes of accommodation to ruling class hegemony. The breadth and depth of challenges to this hegemony, moreover, are evident not only from the activities of the Red Shirt movement and regional discontent in Northern and Northeast Thailand but from the resistance of working class women to attempts to police their sexuality and limit their consumerism. The refusal of Thai elites to accept the breadth and depth of Thailand's dispositional transformation has legitimised – in their eyes – the brutal crackdown on Red Shirt protestors that resulted in the April-May 2010 massacres. Yet repression can only kill off political leaders and specific parties; it will not likely derail the growing resentment of ordinary Thais over elitist class rule.  相似文献   
402.
Central criminological theoretical approaches, such as strain theory, control theory and critical theory, have as precondition that offenders often are marginalized and belong to the lower classes in society. Particularly the prison population has been assumed to suffer from severe material and social conditions. In the case of Norway, the empirical evidence on this assumption has been scarce and a broader and systematic approach has been lacking. This paper presents findings from a survey of the standard of living among a Norwegian prison population. Conventional measurements of welfare are examined, including accumulation of welfare deficiencies and situation at release. The findings indicate that the prison population live under very poor conditions, and are confronted with major difficulties at release concerning housing, money and work. The interpretation is emphasizing the living conditions as opportunity structures where welfare deficiencies put limits to the individuals' possibility to govern their own lives. Hence, inadequate living conditions should not necessarily be considered as causes of crime, but as a narrowed opportunity structure where other choices are limited.  相似文献   
403.
This article examines the political motives behind the introduction of crime victim support provisions in the Swedish Social Services Act. The findings derive from a case study of the preparatory material that prefaced the legal changes that were adopted in 2001. The result shows that the explicit purpose of the provisions was to consider measures to improve the support to crime victims. To some degree the provisions can also be explained by symbolic factors. In fact, most actors in the law-making process indicate that their motives were communicative and symbolic. Support to crime victims was presumably a complicated issue for the social democratic government. Because of the economical crisis in the early 1990s, there was no scope for reforms that implied high increased costs. Yet expanding the crime victim's rights in relation to the offender, such as toughening the penal law and promoting victim impact statements, was not in line with social democratic ideology. By enacting the provisions in the Social Services Act the government demonstrated that support to crime victims was an important area of concern. At the same time, the provisions did not involve any increased costs or strengthen the crime victim's rights in relation to the offender. In this way, the provisions became a mediator that solved a difficult political dilemma for the government.  相似文献   
404.
刘东华 《时代法学》2013,11(3):35-42
法律援助作为制度福利的一种,对其有着多种不同声音的评价。丹宁勋爵对法律援助的批评具有代表性。只有将具体的法律援助行为纳入公益法律进程中去才能对回应各种批评意见。文章从社会保障思潮的演变、法律职业主义理论与律师职业伦理的张力三个方面理性分析了公益法律援助的价值、根源与运作模式。  相似文献   
405.
The landscape of legal advice provision is entering a period of significant change in England and Wales. Whilst there is a great deal of uncertainty about how the future landscape of advice service provision will evolve, there are lessons to be drawn from past delivery models.

This article first looks back at the period following the Access to Justice Act 1999, setting out a range of delivery models initiated following the Act, as well as research and evaluation conducted in the millennium decade. Findings are then presented from a comprehensive qualitative study on how people experience and deal with social welfare and family problems, and on facilitators and barriers to integrated advice provision, including inter-organisational working. This is explored through the lens of a delivery model which emphasised partnership and the pooling of resources and specialisms to meet client needs: the Community Legal Advice Centre model.  相似文献   
406.
Terms of trade implications of diversification into manufactured exports in a traditional primary‐exporting country are examined in the light of the Sri Lankan experience over the past two decades. The empirical analysis focuses on trends in both commodity and income terms of trade, employing a methodology which takes care of the ‘spurious regression’ problem. The results suggest that, contrary to the ‘new’ terms of trade pessimism, export diversification has brought about significant terms of trade gains for the Sri Lankan economy. Overall, the study casts doubt on the robustness of results coming from analyses of price trends in aggregate manufactured exports and calls for systematic time‐profile analyses of the countries which have achieved significant export diversification in order to inform the policy debate.  相似文献   
407.
This paper begins with a theoretical perspective on privatisation which links it with systemic tendencies towards over-accumulation in the global capitalist economy. To analyse health system dynamics, the health system is conceptualised as an articulation of component sub-systems (provision, financing, treatment accessories, support services, research and product development, education and training, etc.). These sub-systems are increasingly brought within the circuit of capital, in the process re-configuring the fine structure of the system along with its built-in incentives and disincentives which interactively modulate the system's overall operating characteristics. The rest of the paper provides an update on the evolving role of the Malaysian state as provider, as financier, as investor and as regulator of the health system.  相似文献   
408.
环境公益诉讼对于提高公众参与环境保护的积极性、震慑危害环境资源的违法行为意义重大。我国目前尚未明确确立环境公益诉讼制度,是当前环境保护的一大缺憾。环境权作为公民的一项基本权利写入宪法,将有助于提高主体的环境保护意识,使环境保护裁判获得直接的宪法保护依据,使环境权获得充分救济。  相似文献   
409.
410.
Physical and emotional sibling violence has received minimal attention compared with other forms of familial violence. Policy related to addressing physical and emotional sibling violence is scant, whereas the occurrence of violence between siblings is rampant in many families. An overview of the knowledge base regarding this social problem is provided as a backdrop for understanding the current sociopolitical status of sibling violence. Understanding current policy and societal discourse related to addressing sibling violence is possible through Lorraine Fox-Harding's values perspective on childcare policy. The four value perspectives of laissez-faire and patriarchy, state paternalism and child protection, the modern defense of the birth family and parents' rights, and children's rights and child liberation allow insight into how sibling violence is currently viewed and the policy implications of those perspectives. Regardless of one's value perspective, actions around policy and family interventions for sibling violence is warranted. Alternatives to the current situation and consequences of not addressing violent behavior between siblings are discussed along with roles the government, parents, and children can take in addressing this oftentimes underrecognized social justice issue.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号