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541.
世纪之交 ,重新探讨和确立警学学科体系是当代警察实践发展的客观需要 ,是警察科学发展的必然趋势 ,是警学科研和警察教育发展目标的要求。对于警学学科体系 ,可以从认识论、警察基本业务部门、警察科学与其他学科的关系三种角度加以划分。其中 ,警学基础学科也应是一个具有合理结构和功能分工的学科群。在新的世纪 ,警学学科研究要真正实现其对警察教育和警察实践应有的指导推动作用 ,就必须在三个方向上有所突破 ,即从封闭走向开放、从注释走向理性、从滞后走向超前。  相似文献   
542.
巡逻勤务发展的战略研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
文章比较研究中外警察巡逻勤务职能、警区规划、处警方式的差异,探讨符合我国社会治安动态管理要求的专业化、正规化的巡逻勤务制度。为正在发展和完善中的巡逻实践,提供理论依据。  相似文献   
543.
建立行之有效的争端解决机制是区域经济组织有效运作的保证.本文通过对欧盟、北美自由贸易区、东盟自由贸易区三大区域性经济组织各具代表性的争端解决模式与中国-东盟自由贸易区的争端解决机制进行比较研究,探讨中国-东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的性质、特点.  相似文献   
544.
中日文化既有相通之处,更有差异。不同的文化背景使这些差异逐渐放大了,在了解日本文化的同时必须着眼于相同点与相异点。日本在模仿中国文化的长期过程中逐步创新,生发出本民族的文化特色。在关注日本文化独特审美情趣时,应该避免将这种独特性绝对化,以历史的、发展的、科学的眼光来研究和探索中日两国的文化与交流。  相似文献   
545.
For the last twenty years ‘victimology’, the study of crime victims and victimisation has developed markedly. Like its ‘parent’ discipline of criminology, however, very little work has been done in this field around the notion of environmental victimisation. Like criminology itself, victimology has been almost exclusively anthropocentric in its outlook and indeed even more recent discussions of environmental victims – prompted by the development of green criminology – have failed to consider in any depth the victimisation of nonhuman animals. In this paper, we examine the shortfall in provision for and discussions of nonhuman animal victims with reference to Christie’s notion of the ‘ideal victim’ and Boutellier’s concept of the ‘victimalization of morality’. We argue that as victimology has increasingly embraced concepts of victimisation based on ‘social harms’ rather than strict legalistic categorises, its rejection of nonhuman victims from the ambit of study is no longer conceptually or philosophically justified.  相似文献   
546.
近期,越来越多的警察学研究者提出创建独立的警察学学科,并在理论界引起了一定的影响。但是,在研究的过程中,有一个问题始终困扰着我们:那就是西方到底有没有警察学,或者说西方的“警察学”研究是建立在一个什么样的基础之上?要了解这一问题,应从西方“警察学”的理论框架、研究机构和人员等方面进行探讨。  相似文献   
547.
The success of House incumbents at the polls is well known and has been studied extensively. This paper focuses on the incumbents' success in the polls: the support bestowed upon incumbents by survey respondents is substantially higher than that received from the voters. The incumbency advantage at the polls, estimated at about 10% in the most recent elections, is almost doubled when measured in the polls. The data, drawn from the 1982–1996 National Election Studies, show that respondents do not reward all winners; candidates elected to open seats have not benefitted from the kind of bounce consistently enjoyed by winning incumbents. In addition, the pattern of respondents' misreports appears to be inconsistent with earlier explanations based on instrument effects. Respondent bias should be accounted for in order to reach correct estimates of the incumbency advantage in individual-level data.  相似文献   
548.
袁世凯当政时期及其死后的北洋军阀政府在报刊方面开展了一系列立法活动.这些立法活动表现出来的主要特点是政权性质改变而名号照旧、报刊法制成果主要集中在袁世凯当政时期、字面上"民主自由"和实质上封建专制手段共用等.  相似文献   
549.
This paper presents a comparative study about words and about sovereignty; about the ancestry of the words that construct the discourse of sovereignty in the context of China; about the analysis and interpretation of the civic discourse and the rhetoric that construct Chinese sovereignty in the field of international relations and foreign policy, and about the consequences of this analysis and interpretation for the formulation of EU foreign policy with regard to East Asia, especially China, and the United States, as well as the feedback that notions of sovereignty have on the construction of Chinese civic discourse. For many contemporary Chinese thinkers, China should modernise without repeating the process of modernism, should leap over the system of values established by the Enlightenment that seemed to justify imperialism, and develop an economy and institutions that would serve to create wealth and to raise the standard of living of the population, without imposing values that are advantageous to a “West” that is already wealthy. They have identified a cultural dissidence within developed societies that advocates the values of postmodernism as a way of rejecting the values of modernism. In this context, they advocate the possibility of modernising their society without having to accept the imposition of values that originated in societies that have already begun to question them. In this way, China could reach postmodernism in a relatively short period of history without having to pass through the traumas that characterised the development of modernism in the “West” over a period of centuries (it would be difficult not to discern echoes of Mao Zedong’s “Great Leap Forward” in these Chinese versions of the postmodernist paradigm). The communicative strategy to be adopted by the EU in the rhetorical construction of its dialogue with China should be fully cognizant of and sensitive to the criteria of China’s moral order as outlined in this study and specified in the Five Principles (mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; non-aggression; non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful coexistence), the Spirit of Shanghai and the ASEAN Way, with special emphasis on mutual recognition, parity of esteem, and mutual benefit. Any other discourse will be perceived semiotically as unilateralist and exploitative. Respect for diversity is paramount, and the ability to harmonise diversity is a major function of Chinese political and cultural thought. “Harmony” and “peace” are the same word in classical Chinese: hé ( hépíng is the modern word for “peace” and héshēng is the modern word for “harmony”). As a result, any practice that produced harmony, such as music or cooking, was a form of training for maintaining peace, social cohesion and solidarity in society (or among nations).
Seán GoldenEmail:
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550.
王宁 《思想战线》2005,31(5):113-115
传统意义上的比较文学学科在经历了多次"危机"之后其衰落之趋势是无可挽回的,但这种衰落恰恰为其"再生"奠定了内在的基础,此也即比较文学学科内部的反拨.在这方面,包括中国学者在内的东方和第三世界学者将对一门新的比较文学学科的"再生"有所作为.比较文学的最高境界是世界文学阶段.那种为比较而比较的牵强比附式的"比较文学"确实应该死亡,而一种新的融入了文化研究和世界文学成分的比较文学学科将在这其中获得再生.  相似文献   
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